Pathway to Japanese Literature

Causes

On the 28th Day of the 6th Month, Genki 1 (1570), Oda Nobunaga, with the assistance of Tokugawa Ieyasu, defeated the allied forces of Echizen's Asakura Yoshikage and Ōmi's Asai Nagamasa at Anegawa in northern Ōmi.
This was the Battle of Anegawa.

This battle was called the Nomura Battle by the Asai and Oda.
The Asakura called it the Mitamura Battle.
The Tokugawa called it the Battle of Anegawa.
Later, since Tokugawa came to control the realm, the battle ultimately became known as the Battle of Anegawa.

The Oda and Asakura families had long been on bad terms.
Both families had served as senior retainers to the Shiba clan.
During the Ōnin War, when the Shiba clan had also split into two factions, the Asakura had sided with Jirōdaisuke Yoshitoshi—who rebelled against Yoshiyasu of the main family.
Through devising a scheme, they made Yoshitoshi cede his position as Provincial Military Governor of Echizen and became lords of Echizen Province.
The Oda family had served Yoshiyasu of the main Shiba line and—until Nobunaga's time—remained Shiba vassals at least in form.
Therefore from Oda's perspective, Asakura stood as a house of traitorous retainers; from Asakura's view, they disdained Oda as a family of indirect vassals.

However, as long as there existed a buffer zone between the two families—the Saitō of Mino—the situation remained manageable.
Now that it was gone, they were destined to clash sooner or later.

Asai Nagamasa, the lord of 390,000 koku in northern Ōmi, was but twenty-five years old at the time—yet his formidable military strength made it inconvenient for Nobunaga to depart Kyoto with such a foe at his back.
Nobunaga, having formally adopted his sister Oichi as his daughter, entered into a marital alliance with Nagamasa, thereby establishing a parent-child relationship between them.

However, Nagamasa had imposed a condition for becoming kin to Nobunaga.
The condition was that, given how the Asai and the Asakura of Echizen had maintained close relations across generations, he demanded Nobunaga refrain from provoking any conflicts with the Asakura henceforth.
Nobunaga accepted this condition and presented Nagamasa with a written oath pledging not to interfere with Echizen.

On the 28th Day of the 7th Month of Eishō 11 (1514), Oda Nobunaga met Asai Nagamasa at Sawayama.
Sawayama was then the residence of Isobe Danba-no-kami, the Asai faction's valiant commander.
In response to the numerous gifts from Nobunaga, Nagamasa presented the family heirloom tachi sword named Iswari, forged by Bizen Kagemitsu.
It was later recounted that Nagamasa’s act of sending this Asai family heirloom tachi served as an omen of the clan’s downfall.

However, the powerless yet scheming Shogun Yoshiaki sought to rally feudal lords across Kinai and expel Nobunaga.
The main force was Echizen’s Asakura.

In April 1570 (Genki 1), Oda Nobunaga, aiming to subjugate the Asakura, waited for the snow to melt in Hokuriku and then advanced toward the Tsuruga front alongside Tokugawa Ieyasu.

Moreover, despite having presented Nagamasa with a written oath the previous year, he did not offer a single word of greeting to him.
It is said that Nobunaga did not greet Nagamasa out of consideration that doing so might have placed Nagamasa in a difficult position.

It was by no means that he looked down on Asai Nagamasa; rather, Nobunaga had treated Nagamasa quite favorably up to that point.

However, upon hearing of Nobunaga’s expedition to Echizen, the one who became most enraged was Nagamasa’s father, Hisamasa.
By nature, Hisamasa—a man who had been persuaded by his senior retainers to retire and transfer family leadership to Nagamasa when the latter was sixteen—could not have been particularly clever, being instead mired in old ways and stubbornness.
Enraged by Nobunaga’s breach of their pact, he must have concluded that such a duplicitous man would surely descend upon Odani Castle upon returning from Echizen.
"Rather than rely on such a dangerous Nobunaga," he said, "it would be better for us to sever ties ourselves and cooperate with Asakura."
Nagamasa’s loyal retainers such as Endō Kiemon and Akai Mimasaka argued that Nobunaga was no longer the Nobunaga of old—now he ruled twelve provinces including the Kinai Five Provinces, Mino, Owari, Mikawa, and Ise.
He would never do such an untrustworthy thing as the Nobunaga of old.
Moreover, even if our clan were to unite with the Asakura, it would amount to merely one and a half provinces.
They stood no chance against Nobunaga.
At this juncture, they argued that dispatching one or two thousand soldiers under Isobe Danba-no-kami to Echizen as nominal reinforcements for Nobunaga—while wholly relying on him—would be a strategy for the clan’s enduring prosperity.
Yet Hisamasa refused to listen; many other retainers agreed with Hisamasa, and Nagamasa too found it difficult to defy his father’s command.
Thus did the Asai finally raise rebellion against Nobunaga, resolving to attack him from both front and rear.

While in Echizen, Oda Nobunaga heard that Nagamasa had rebelled but dismissed it easily, reasoning, “He is kin to me—and I have granted him all of northern Ōmi. There can be no cause for discontent.” Yet upon learning the truth, he panicked and withdrew to Kyoto in disarray via back roads.
At this time, Kinoshita Tōkichirō accepted the order and served as the rearguard.
This rearguard action at Kanegasaki became a chapter in the Taikō’s rise to prominence.

Nobunaga soon withdrew to Gifu, raised a large army for the Asai punitive expedition, and on June 19th departed for the Asai's stronghold of Odani Castle.
That marked the beginning of the Battle of Anegawa.

Pre-Battle Chronicle

Having returned from Kyoto to Gifu and completed his preparations, Oda Nobunaga departed Gifu on June 19th with a large army of over twenty thousand men. By the 21st, he had already advanced upon Odani—the Asai clan’s main castle—and burned its surrounding town to ashes.
However, as the Asai did not come out to fight, he withdrew, crossed the Anegawa River, and attacked Yokoyama Castle on its left bank.
And setting up camp at Kitaryūgahana north of Yokoyama Castle, he waited for Tokugawa Ieyasu to arrive.
On the 27th Day of the 6th Month, Tokugawa Ieyasu arrived with reinforcements, leading approximately five thousand cavalry.

(For Tokugawa Ieyasu too, this was a critical military endeavor.)
Having been requested by Nobunaga to provide reinforcements, Tokugawa Ieyasu’s generals held a council. Honda Heihachirō Tadakatsu addressed him: “You may believe Lord Nobunaga to be a reliable ally, but that is not necessarily the case.
Given the chance, he may well engineer situations to place you in perilous battles or even orchestrate your demise.
This campaign is especially crucial.”
Tokugawa Ieyasu welcomed this counsel and deliberately set out without leading a large force.
This served as a precaution so that even if defeated in the field, their homeland would not be left undefended.)

Nagamasa also dispatched an envoy to Echizen and requested reinforcements from the Asakura.
However, Yoshikage did not take the field himself, instead providing approximately ten thousand troops to his relative Magosaburō Kagetake and dispatching them as reinforcements.

Nagamasa had rebelled against Nobunaga out of obligation—nay, goodwill—toward the Asakura, yet the crucial Asakura Yoshikage himself did not appear for this decisive battle.
While the neighboring house burned, [he] considered it a tolerable plan.
To be fair, it was also Nagamasa’s miscalculation to have relied on such an incompetent Yoshikage…

Nagamasa, having secured reinforcements from Asakura, aimed to relieve Yokoyama Castle; on the 25th, he departed Odani Castle and established his position at Higashi-Ōyoseyama to the east.
On the following 28th, they advanced nearly three kilometers, with the Asai army deploying at Nomura and the Asakura forces at Mitamura.

Thus, the Oda-Tokugawa forces deployed across the Anegawa River, facing the Asai-Asakura army to the north and south.

Now observed were the battle formations of the southern army—that is,the Oda-Tokugawa forces—

Oda Nobunaga (age 37)

—2.4 million koku, 60,000 troops—of these, half had come to Anegawa—

First Unit: Sakai Masanao┐

Second Unit: Ikeda Nobuteru│

Third Unit: Kinoshita Hideyoshi│

Fourth Unit: Shibata Katsuie├ (3,000 troops each)

Fifth Unit: Mori Yoshinari│

Sixth Unit: Sakuma Nobumori┘

Main Camp: Nobunaga (over five thousand troops)

Forces Securing Yokoyama Castle

Niwa Nagahide (3,000 troops)

Ujiie Naomoto (1,000 troops)

Andō Noritoshi (1,000 troops)

Tokugawa Ieyasu (age 29)

--Over 600,000 koku, approximately 16,000 troops--of these, around 5,000 had come to Anegawa--

First Unit: Sakai Tadatsugu (over one thousand troops)

Second Unit: Ogasawara Nagatada (over one thousand troops)

Third Unit: Ishikawa Kazumasa (over one thousand troops)

Main Camp: Ieyasu (over two thousand troops)

Additionally, as reinforcements from Nobunaga to Ieyasu,

Inaba Michitomo (over one thousand troops)

Among Tokugawa Ieyasu’s commanders, Sakai and Ishikawa were hereditary vassals, but Ogasawara Yohachirō Nagatada alone was not.
Ogasawara was originally a commander of the Imagawa clan—a brave warrior with distinguished military exploits.
Though he served under Ieyasu, it was not that he lacked the intent to seize Enshū should Ieyasu leave to reinforce Nobunaga in an expedition to the capital region—exploiting that undefended nest.
Tokugawa Ieyasu, being well aware of this risk, had not left him in his home province but brought him along.
In other words, he had brought along this untamed beast leashed with chains, intending to deploy him in battle.
Given Ogasawara’s caliber, many of his warriors distinguished themselves through military exploits, and their performance at Anegawa proved equally exceptional.

(The Military Exploits Chronicle states: "This time, Lord Gongen assigned Ogasawara Yohachirō to the vanguard. Although Yohachirō harbored ulterior motives, he did not refuse and led the vanguard at Anegawa to secure victory. At that time, Watanabe Kintayū, Date Yohee, and Nakayama Zehisuke—retainers of Yohachirō—performed with exceptional valor, and all three were awarded commendation letters from Lord Gongen. Watanabe Kintayū was granted a Yoshimitsu blade alongside his commendation letter." This Ogasawara perished at the time of Odawara. (Count Ogasawara Nagamoto of the present day is likely of that clan.))

When Ieyasu arrived, Nobunaga thanked him for coming to aid from afar, then said, “Tomorrow, please assist whichever side may falter.”
In other words, he was asking him to serve as the reserve force.
Ieyasu objected to this—conducting a joint attack (likely meaning intermingling with others’ forces), he argued, would tarnish martial honor—and despite commanding a small force, insisted on leading an independent unit instead.
“If my wish is not granted,” he declared, “I shall return to my home province.”
“If you insist so, Lord Tokugawa,” Nobunaga responded, “then take charge of the Asakura forces.”
“However,” he added, “to have you face this great northern enemy with your forces alone would leave you far too outnumbered.”
“Then select someone from my forces.”
“This humble one has grown accustomed to commanding modest troops in a minor province,” declared Tokugawa Ieyasu. “Large armies exceed my capacity, and directing unfamiliar men would prove burdensome. My own forces alone shall suffice.”
Nobunaga persisted—entrusting Tokugawa Ieyasu alone with the northern provinces’ great Asakura army would invite public ridicule upon himself—and thus pressed desperately for Ieyasu to accept at least one commander out of obligation. Thereupon Ieyasu demanded, “If it must be so, then lend me Inaba Iyo-no-kami Sadamichi—also called Michitomo or Yoshimichi.”
From Oda’s forces, being the sole commander chosen by Tokugawa Ieyasu—renowned as the Tokaido’s foremost archer—Inaba Iyo-no-kami’s prestige can well be imagined.

Inaba Iyo-no-kami was Ittetsu of the Inaba clan, one of the Mino Triumvirate and an honored retainer since the days of the Saitō house.
He was a heroic figure of both literary and martial prowess who had nearly been killed by Nobunaga in a tea room but saved his life by reading Han Yu’s poem "Clouds Blanket Qinling Ridge" hanging in the alcove.

After the battle’s conclusion, Nobunaga praised Inaba’s achievements, bestowed one of his own characters upon him, and ordered him to take the name Nagamichi.
Inaba, displeased, addressed Nobunaga: “Lord, you are a blind commander who cannot discern men’s courage from cowardice.
“Though among the Kaminata troops I am called a spearman of repute, within Lord Tokugawa’s ranks I proved but an encumbering hindrance of no particular use. To have my paltry deeds praised reeks of favoritism—a shame even Mikawa men would find unbearable.”
He was quite the shrewd diplomat—humbly downplaying his own achievements while praising Tokugawa’s forces—a man well-versed in tactical flattery.

The battle formations of the Asai and Asakura forces were as follows.

Asai Forces

Asai Nagamasa (age 26)

--390,000 koku, approximately 10,000 troops--

First Unit: Isobe Danba-no-kami (1,500 troops)

Second Unit: Asai Masazumi (1,000 troops)

Third Unit: Akan Sadahide (1,000 troops)

Fourth Unit: Shinjō Naoyori (1,000 troops)

Main Camp: Nagamasa (3,500 troops)

Asakura Forces (Asakura Yoshikage)

--870,000 koku, 20,000 troops, 10,000 of which came to Anegawa--

First Unit: Asakura Kagetoki (3000 troops)

Second Unit: Maenami Shinpachirō (3,000 troops)

Main Camp: Asakura Kageken (4,000 troops)

According to the *Shinsho Taikoki*, the pre-battle council of the Asai-Asakura forces unfolded as follows.

Late on the night of the seventh, Nagamasa met with Asakura Magosaburō Kageken to discuss strategies for the battle; the distance from Ōyoseyama—where the Echizen forces had positioned themselves—to Nobunaga’s headquarters at Ryūgahana measured fifty chō (approximately 5.5 kilometers). Were they to launch a direct assault, both men and horses would grow exhausted and morale would surely falter; thus, the strategists proposed repositioning to Nomura and Mitamura at dawn to regroup, then launching a surprise attack on Nobunaga’s headquarters at daybreak on the 28th. A swift assault would catch the enemy unprepared, securing total victory for their side.

At this juncture, Asai Hansuke—a warrior once celebrated for his valor—intervened. Years prior, disowned by Hisamasa and exiled from Odani, he had crossed into Mino Province and taken temporary refuge with Inaba Iyo-no-kami due to existing ties. During this time, he had closely observed Nobunaga’s tactical formations. Now, facing the Oda-Tokugawa confrontation, Hansuke feared that continuing to ignore the Asai would only deepen his disgrace as a disloyal traitor. Without bidding farewell to Inaba, he secretly returned to Odani and pleaded with Akai Mimasaka-no-kami and Nakajima Hyūga-no-kami to petition for his disownment to be revoked—but Hisamasa ignored the appeal.

Especially since Hansuke had been sheltered by Inaba’s household, lingering suspicions prevented his employment. Yet when Akai and Nakajima gathered evidence and pleaded on his behalf, Hisamasa could no longer remain silent. Granting permission at last, Hansuke had recently sallied forth with Tōno Wakasa-no-kami during Nobunaga’s redeployment, slaying many Oda troops. Though both Tōno and Hansuke incurred Hisamasa’s resentment, Endō Kiemon’s skillful mediation gradually softened Hisamasa’s stance. Now attending closely at court, Hansuke was even included in today’s council deliberations.

Having received Your Lordship’s military considerations," Hansuke addressed Nagamasa, “as you are aware, this one dwelt three years in Mino observing Nobunaga’s methods. Yet his swiftness of mind—like a monkey leaping through treetops—being such, should our forces redeploy to Mitamura, this one shall assuredly make preparations.”

“If Your Lordship were to launch a full-scale attack now,” he proposed, “our forces would face hardship—would it not be better to first observe the enemy’s movements for a time?”

Nagamasa declared, “The situation at Yokoyama Castle is urgent; we cannot delay here. To fear the enemy’s advance would make this no true battle. Moreover, should we prolong this further, Yokoyama will surely fall.”

“Yet what other tactic exists to relieve Yokoyama beyond this?”

Upon hearing that “At this point, there is no alternative but to commence battle,” Endō Kiemon deemed this course of action appropriate.

Amidst all this, the defenders of Yokoyama Castle—resenting their lack of reinforcements—might well surrender and join the enemy. Since Nobunaga’s assault began, we have allowed him to act as he pleases beyond words,” he continued. “A swift redeployment is imperative.”

“If we redeploy as Your Lordship commands and charge recklessly into the enemy camp on the 29th day,” Endō asserted, “our victory shall be beyond doubt.”

“If the enemy discerns our movements and sallies forth,” he concluded, “we shall engage them there—no complications should arise.”

Endō Kiemon declared that he saw only two paths before him—either capture Nobunaga or perish in the attempt—and pressed for immediate deployment. Since Hisamasa had until now never heeded any of Endō’s counsel to good effect, this time alone he concurred with Kiemon’s proposal. When asked whether Lord Asakura should face Oda or the Tokugawa forces between the two fronts, Magosaburō replied that he would advance against whichever enemy it might be.

Thereupon Nagamasa interjected, “No—rather! This one’s true foe is Nobunaga.” He struck his chestplate with a gauntleted fist. “Therefore, this one shall confront Nobunaga.”

It was decided that Lord Asakura would hold off the Tōtōmi forces, and preparations for redeployment were hastened.

Endō Kiemon had long intended to infiltrate the enemy camp during battle and strike Nobunaga; having consulted his fellow warriors, he urged that they must not consider frontal assaults in tomorrow’s engagement but instead devote themselves entirely to stealthy infiltration.

However, even if one were to infiltrate the enemy camp and, by divine favor, assassinate Nobunaga,” he warned gravely, “escaping alive would prove nigh impossible.”

Thus they held a banquet as both a final gathering for tonight and a farewell to this world,” the chronicler records, “yet the assembled warriors dismissed it as mere repetitive encouragement from an old soldier to bolster morale.” When they declared through raised cups, “We too shall perish in tomorrow’s battle and leave our glorious names to posterity,” Kiemon rejoiced: “Precisely thus lies the path of true loyalty.” His eyes gleamed in torchlight as he added, “Dawn approaches—let each prepare themselves.” With this final toast echoing through camp tents still smelling of fresh armor lacquer, they parted ways with heavy hearts.

Endō's desperate resolve was profoundly tragic in this manner, but there had been an occasion when he—upon perceiving during Nagamasa's first meeting with Nobunaga at Sawayama that Nobunaga could never be trusted—proposed launching a sudden assault to eliminate him, only for Nagamasa to reject the plan. Moreover, when Nagamasa sought to sever ties with Nobunaga this time, knowing full well they stood no chance against him, he exerted utmost effort to dissuade him. Moreover, when the severing of ties became imminent, he resolved to infiltrate the enemy camp alone and assassinate Nobunaga. Truly, he may be called the Asai family's peerless loyal retainer.

However, among those of the Asai family who resolved to fight desperately in this life-or-death battle, there were many others—and among them, the most pitiable was Asai Utanosuke. Utanosuke's younger brother was called Saikyūsuke.

In the years following the conclusion of the Serada Battle and Mikagedera Battle (third year of Eiroku [1560]), the Asai household convened gatherings where warriors exchanged tales of their exploits.
At that time, Saikyūsuke boasted, “None in our household can match the deeds of our grandfather Yamato-no-kami or my elder brother Genba.”
Elder Brother Utanosuke became greatly enraged and rebuked him, demanding, “What is the meaning of such boastful words amidst this distinguished assembly?”
It was only natural for an elder brother.

Yet Saikyūsuke, deeming it strange to be publicly rebuked, had thereafter remained estranged from his brother. On the eve of the Battle of Anegawa—around the Hour of the Boar (midnight by modern reckoning) on the night of the 27th—Utanosuke went to his younger brother Saikyūsuke’s encampment and declared, “As men resolved to perish tomorrow, why leave this rift unresolved? Let us cast aside our grudges and share a farewell cup.” “If you wish to see our honored father’s spirit, look upon each other’s faces,” they said, exchanging steady gazes. Soon they called for wine and poured for one another, summoning their hereditary retainers to share cups that marked both eternal partings and fleeting farewells.

The desperate resolve of the Asai side can be well imagined.

In contrast, the Asakura forces’ commander-in-chief did not take the field himself. Moreover, Commander Yoshikage’s indecisive and expedient nature must have permeated his officers’ morale, meaning they could not match the Asai clan’s warriors in resolve.

Asakura vs. Tokugawa Battle

The Anegawa River derived its name from the area where the Azusa River—originating from Mount Kinkuso at Ōmi Province's northern border northeast of Lake Biwa—flows westward after reaching Mount Ibuki's western foothills. Continuing its westward course, it empties into the lake north of Nagahama. A local legend claims the name originated from a Dragon King—purported to be Yama, the King of Hell's sister—residing in its waters, though tales of Yama having a draconic sibling remain uncommon, suggesting this is merely regional folklore. Near Nomura and Mitamura villages, the right bank stood six to seven shaku (1.8-2.1 meters) high, creating challenging ascents and descents. With historical water depths recorded at three shaku (0.9 meters), combatants churned through the current while clashing—pushing forward and being repelled in turn.

At 3:00 AM on June 28th, the Asai army deployed at Nomura and the Asakura forces at Mitamura.

They intended to attack the Oda army surrounding Yokoyama Castle once daybreak arrived.
However, when Nobunaga saw watchfires burning in the enemy camp on the night of the 27th and detected signs of their impending advance, he resolved to launch a preemptive counterattack. Having advanced to Anegawa River's left bank, the Oda-Tokugawa forces—upon observing the Asai-Asakura army deploying—were first to initiate hostilities with bows and firearms.
This must have come as quite a surprise to the Asai-Asakura forces.

The force confronting the Asakura at Mitamura was Ieyasu; that opposing the Asai at Nomura was Nobunaga’s army.

Hostilities first erupted between Tokugawa and Asakura.
Ieyasu deployed Ogasawara Nagatada as vanguard—Sakai Tadatsugu and Sakakibara Yasumasa anchoring his right flank; Honda Heihachirō Tadakatsu, Naitō Nobushige, and Ōkubo Tadayo holding his left—while he commanded center positions with his direct retainers.

Both Honda Tadakatsu and Sakakibara Yasumasa stood at twenty-three years—the very zenith of martial fervor.

Asakura troops surged forward under Kurosaka Bitchū-no-kami, Kobayashi Zuishūken, and Uozumi Saemon-no-jō.
For Tokugawa Ieyasu too this was a battle of honor; his entire host fought with desperate resolve while Asakura warriors matched their ferocity.
When Asakura pressed toward left bank waters, Ieyasu’s men drove them back to right bank shallows; when Tokugawa advanced upon right bank currents, Asakura herded them into leftward eddies.

In the midst of this, the Tokugawa forces momentarily fell back.
The Asakura forces, believing they had won the battle, crossed the Anegawa River and surged toward the left bank—whereupon the Tokugawa troops lured them in and assailed them from both flanks.
Sakai Tadatsugu and Sakakibara Yasumasa crossed the upper reaches of the Anegawa River and launched a flanking attack from the Asakura forces' side, pressing their assault fiercely; thus, the Asakura forces gradually began to falter.
The Tokugawa forces, seizing this advantage, pressed their pursuit. The Asakura army fell into disarray while attempting to retreat across the river—even their commander Magosaburō Kageken became encircled amidst the chaos.
At that moment, Mochizuki Jūrōzaemon Naotaka—renowned as the Asakura clan's sole warrior of unmatched valor—turned back and fought fiercely.
Jūrōzaemon was a man specifically requested by Yoshikage to join this battle as Kageken's guardian.
He was a figure celebrated even in warrior tales—the peerless powerhouse of the northern provinces.
The greatsword he wielded was the famous Taro Ōdachi.

Forged by an Echizen-based swordsmith named Chiyotsuru, it was said to measure seven shaku and eight sun (approximately 2.36 meters). In warrior tales, as the blade was excessively wide, they say a window had been added to prevent it from obstructing the wielder’s forward view. That was likely an exaggeration, but there may have been windows here and there to reduce its weight. However, another account states five shaku three sun (approximately 160 cm), which was likely closer to the truth. Yet within Mochizuki’s domain, there was only one peasant capable of shouldering this greatsword alone, and it is said four retainers were always required to carry it—suggesting the reported length of seven shaku eight sun might indeed be accurate.

In contrast to this, there was also what was called the Jirō Greatsword.
It was said to measure six shaku five sun (approximately 197 cm; another account states four shaku three sun [approximately 130 cm]).

Observing Kageken's desperate struggle, Naotaka brandished the Taro Greatsword "like a halberd," mowing down all who crossed his path—whether mounted archers or foot soldiers—as he charged vertically, horizontally, and crosswise through the fray. Slashing at opponents' helmet crests and armor sleeves with cries of "Be shattered to dust!", even the vaunted Tokugawa forces found themselves cut down by Naotaka alone. Wherever he turned, an area forty to fifty ken square (72-90 meters) became as flattened as a freshly tilled field.
Thus having rescued Magosaburō Kageken from peril, he finally retreated to the right bank.
But upon looking back and seeing many allies still struggling on the left bank—unable to withdraw—he turned again, resolved to deliver aid.

At this moment, the Asakura commanders Kurosaka Bitchū-no-kami and Maenami Shinpachirō remained on the left bank, locked in fierce combat.
Ogasawara Nagatada—previously mentioned as Yohachirō—now engaged in his first foreign campaign, resolved to astonish all through his martial prowess as he charged at Kurosaka Bitchū-no-kami.
Both warriors bore cross-tipped spears, but Ogasawara’s longer weapon entangled Kurosaka’s prongs, bringing him to the brink of defeat. Casting aside his spear, Ogasawara drew his sword and struck Kurosaka’s helmet crown-first. Though dazed, Kurosaka clung momentarily to his saddle—until a second slash cleaved him from his mount.
With Kurosaka felled and Asakura ranks dissolving into chaos just as their army neared collapse, Mochizuki Jūrōzaemon Naotaka and his eldest son Jūrōsaburō Naoki thundered forth—the father brandishing the Taro Greatsword, the son the Jiro Greatsword—carving through foes in every direction. Their onslaught shattered Tokugawa’s flanks, enabling Echizen troops to slip death’s maw and retreat across Anegawa’s waters.
As the Mochizuki pair withdrew with dignity, four Tokugawa retainers—Kōsaka Shikibu, Gorōjirō, Rokurōgorō, and their vassal Yamada Sōroku—surged from the ranks to intercept them.
Mochizuki wheeled about with a roar: “You dare face me with but four men from this mighty host? Ridiculous!”
Kōsaka Shikibu drove his spear at the edge of Mochizuki’s armor plates, yet Mochizuki scorned the strike. Swinging his greatsword in a scything arc, he smashed Kōsaka’s helmet guards and sent the spear flying with the blade’s residual force.
When Gorōjirō rushed to shield his elder brother, Mochizuki struck with such might that he severed Gorōjirō’s sword at its collar and sheared through his right thigh.
Clutching only his hilt, Gorōjirō teetered near death until Rokurō and Sōroku dashed through the fray to drag him clear.

Mochizuki regained his greatsword and split Sōroku cleanly like a bamboo stalk, but in that moment Rokurō scythed him down with his sickle spear.
Even Mochizuki—peerless in strength—was after all a seasoned warrior nearing sixty, likely worn down by repeated exertions since dawn.
Rising to his feet, he calmly declared, “This is the end.
“Take Mochizuki’s head and let it be your warrior’s honor.”

Rokurō urged his brother Shikibu to claim the head, but Shikibu—injured—found it impossible to comply. When told “You take it,” Rokurō rushed forward and struck it off.

In *The Taikōki*, when the Kōsaka brothers were being overwhelmed by Mochizuki alone, Honda Heihachirō Tadakatsu came galloping on his spurred horse and engaged Mochizuki in over thirty decisive clashes with an iron rod over ten shaku long—thus depicting a battle between the warrior renowned as foremost in the northern provinces and the champion hailed as peerless in the eastern provinces, wherein Mochizuki, due to his advanced age, was ultimately struck down by Tadakatsu.

However, this was likely done to embellish the warrior Mochizuki's final moments by having him struck down by Honda Tadakatsu.
If Mochizuki and Tadakatsu had indeed clashed over thirty times, there would have been no greater main event of single combat in the Sengoku era—but in truth, he was likely struck down by the Kōsaka brothers after all.

When Jūrō Naoki (some texts read as Takamoto) heard his father had been struck down, he turned his horse around thinking to at least witness where his father fell in battle. Aoki Shosazaeon intercepted him and called out: “Lord Mochizuki of famed renown! Where do you go? Turn back and face me!” Naoki retorted: “Withdraw? What nonsense! The words of a cowardly man—”

“Then witness this!” he declared, brandishing the six-shaku-five-sun Jiro Greatsword—inferior to his father’s blade yet formidable—and cut down the Aoki retainers blocking him left and right.

Shosazaeon swung his sickle spear and severed Naoki’s right arm at the elbow.

Naoki, likely concluding “This is the end,” calmly offered his neck.

Among the Echizen forces of over ten thousand horsemen, the Mochizuki father and son’s valiant combat and this dignified end were recounted long thereafter. Furthermore, according to *The Taikōki*, it is written that before Naoki fell in battle, he had his retainers take his father’s remains and the greatsword his father had wielded back to their homeland. It may seem there would be no such leisure during war, but wars of old had their moments of composure—such things may have occurred.

According to the *Sanshūshi*, there exists what is traditionally called Mochizuki’s greatsword at Hakusan Shrine in Kaga: its hilt measures three shaku, the blade six shaku—totaling nine shaku—with a thickness of six bu and a width of one sun six bu, forged by Yukimitsu of Kamakura. Yukimitsu was Masamune’s father. However, at Kehi Shrine in Echizen, only the sheath of Mochizuki’s greatsword remains—a sheath that could hold three shō (approximately 5.4 liters) of azuki beans. It is said that this sheath’s dimensions differ slightly from those kept at Hakusan Shrine.

The banks of the Anegawa River were thick with rice paddies, making footing treacherous for both men and horses. The Echizen forces, unfamiliar with the terrain, found themselves mired in the wetlands—where many were cut down.
Starting with the Mochizuki father and son, the Maenami brothers, Kobayashi Zuishūken, Ryūmonji, Kurosaka Bitchū-no-kami, and many other commanders met their end in battle.
In comparison, the Asai forces—being familiar with the terrain—suffered fewer casualties.

Writing it out like this makes it seem as though the Tokugawa forces had put in little effort.

However, within the Asakura forces there existed a traitorous faction. Selecting roughly a hundred stalwart warriors and arming each with a nodachi—its blade measuring four shaku five sun with an elongated hilt—they emerged from the forest shadows mid-battle and launched a sudden assault upon Ieyasu’s direct retainers.

As a result, the direct retainers were thrown into disarray. Shimizu Kyūsaburō and others stood blocking Ieyasu’s path and cut down five or six men—thus narrowly averting disaster.

This is a tale from later years: Tokugawa Yorinobu once recounted: “Katō Kinosuke Masatsugu always kept his hand on the hilt of his side-worn sword. When people laughed at this, Kinosuke explained: ‘During the Battle of Anegawa, two Asakura soldiers disguised themselves as allies and tried to approach Lord Ieyasu’s side to launch a surprise attack.’”

Because Kinosuke always kept his hand on his sword, he immediately cut down one of the two horsemen while Amano Saburōbei subdued the other.

At this moment Lord Ieyasu too had drawn his sword about a foot from its scabbard—so much blood clung to the blade that it ran down its length.

“That’s why I keep my hand on my sword hilt even in peacetime,” he reportedly said—but those Asakura soldiers were even braver than Kinosuke.

They charged alone into the enemy ranks and died in battle.

Moreover, it is said their severed heads contained a pledge called “Issoku Muken.”

“Truly resolute warriors!” came the praise—and even from this one can see how fiercely the Asakura side had fought.

When the Asakura forces crossed the Anegawa River and pressed upon the Tokugawa army, the fighting must have been truly ferocious.

The Asai Army's Bloody Battle

The Oda forces that had turned to confront the Asai faced even fiercer fighting.
Leading the Asai vanguard was Isobe Danba-no-kami, a commander of peerless valor.
Those following him—Takamiya Mikawa-no-kami, Ōnoki Yamato-no-kami, and others—were all warriors renowned for their martial prowess.
The Asai army had always been formidable.
This was why Kinoshita Tōkichirō had requested to lead the vanguard but was denied.
There had been concern that Hideyoshi's troops, having been stationed in Ōmi for years and frequently clashing with the Asai forces, might harbor fear of their military might.
Thus Nobunaga too had treated Nagamasa with deference, hoping to keep him as an ally.
With Danba-no-kami at their head, over five thousand mounted warriors opened fire with their firearms and charged toward the Oda vanguard's position under Sakai Ukon.
Danba-no-kami himself seized a spear and advanced at the forefront, his elite cavalry storming forward in the van.

Ukon’s position was pinned down by firearms, with over a hundred men—starting with his heir Hisakuro (16 years old)—struck down, and they routed.
Ikeda Katsusaburō of the second flank was also struck down by Danba-no-kami’s ferocity and routed.

According to *The Taikōki*, Kinoshita Hideyoshi of the third unit fought valiantly and defeated Isobe Danba-no-kami—but as this chronicle centers on Hideyoshi, it invariably depicts his exploits in glowing terms.
In truth, Nobunaga’s formation—originally arrayed in thirteen defensive lines—had crumbled to eleven, leaving even elite commanders like Kinoshita Hideyoshi, Shibata Katsuie, and Mori Yoshinari hard-pressed for a time.
At one point, the Oda forces had retreated nearly ten chō from the Anegawa River, leaving Nobunaga’s direct retainers in mortal peril.
When Tokugawa Ieyasu’s forces began gaining advantage over the Asakura troops, Inaba Ittetsu—held in reserve as reinforcements—launched a flanking strike against the Asai army’s right wing after deeming his lord’s position secure, while Ujiie Bokuzen and Andō Iga assailed their left flank from Yokoyama Castle’s garrison.
Through these coordinated flanking maneuvers, the Oda army finally managed to rally and crush the Asai forces.

After the battle, Nobunaga declared, “Had the flanking strikes by the Shinano Trio been feebler, my own retainers would have been ground to dust,” and by bestowing upon Inaba, Ujiie, and Andō letters of commendation, prized steeds, and swords, one discerns the battle’s ferocity. Moreover, since Tokugawa Ieyasu had first prevailed against Asakura, Asai’s commanders likely grew unsettled and began to waver.

Though Tokugawa and Oda forces appeared widely separated in combat, the fray ultimately descended into chaos—evidenced when Sakai Tadatsugu’s naginata tip gashed the thigh of Ikeda Katsusaburou Nobuteru from Nobunaga’s ranks. Later generations dubbed this wound the Saemon Scar. Ikeda and Sakai had been comrades who debated before Nobunaga the previous night over whether to place Ieyasu in the vanguard. At that time Sakai stated, “All such debates belong to tomorrow’s spearpoints,” before taking his leave. Thus did Sakai’s blade striking Ikeda prove both had fought fiercely in the front lines—their conduct matching their prior words—and people reportedly murmured in awe, “What terrible resolve!”

Within the Asai forces, the one whose valor rivaled that of Asakura’s Mochizuki Naotaka was Endō Kiemon.
Though Kiemon’s story had been recounted before, he had intended to single-handedly approach Nobunaga and assassinate him.
Carrying a severed head, smearing his face with blood, and disheveling his hair, he infiltrated the Oda ranks. Asking “Where is your commander?” while searching about, he reached right beside where Nobunaga stood—but Takenaka Hanbei’s eldest son Hisakatsu detected him. Deeming it suspicious for an ally to behave so conspicuously, Hisakatsu challenged him to grapple and ultimately took Kiemon’s head.
Hisakatsu had boldly declared to his comrades before the battle: “I will surely take Endō’s head.”
When a friend inquired why, Hisakatsu replied, “Having once roamed Ōmi Province, I often associated with Endō and thus knew his features well.
“Endō always aims for the enemy commander in every battle—therefore I shall surely cut him down.”
Indeed, events unfolded exactly as he had vowed.

Kiemon had vehemently opposed opening hostilities with Nobunaga for the sake of Asai Hisamasa, yet when battle was joined, he met a death of unparalleled valor.
He might well be called the Asai clan’s foremost loyal retainer.

Anyōji Saburōzaemon, commander of the Asai forces, was the man who had mediated the alliance between Oda and the Asai clan.
While fighting fiercely to bring down Nagamasa, his horse was struck by gunfire, causing him to fall. Thus he was finally captured and dragged before Nobunaga.
Nobunaga appeared to hold goodwill toward Anyōji and said, “Anyōji... it has been long.”
Anyōji, silent, said, “By your regular executioner—quickly, quickly have this head struck off,” but Nobunaga responded, “As you are a man of discernment, first show me the heads taken by the young men.”
In other words, he had been made to appraise heads whose names were unknown.
When the page Oda Onao brought forth a head, Anyōji looked at it and said, “This is my younger brother Jinpachirō, I must inform you.”
Furthermore, when the page Oda Okiku brought forth a head, he stated, “This is my younger brother Hikoroku, I must inform you.”
Nobunaga said, “Well, well—this is indeed a pitiable state of affairs. How your heart must churn!” and expressed sympathy.

When Takenaka Hisakatsu saw the head he had taken,

“This is undoubtedly Kiemon,” he declared.
“Kiemon alone offered both remonstrations and counsel.”
“No other soul dared speak a word to Hisamasa.”
“He was Asai’s cornerstone—their most trusted pillar,” concluded Takenaka Hisakatsu.

Afterward, Nobunaga asked Anyōji, “What think you of pressing onward to Odani with this momentum to storm it in one stroke?” though he himself was inclined to do so.
Anyōji laughed. “Though this prisoner—eager to die for the Asai—cannot comprehend why you would ask one such as me about battle strategy, to remain silent might seem cowardly. So I shall answer: over three thousand soldiers remain at Odani under Hisamasa’s command.”
“There are also over three thousand who retreated alongside Nagamasa.”
“Moreover, provisions and ammunition have been accumulated over the years and are not lacking; they can endure for half a year or a year,” he answered.

Despite Hideyoshi’s counsel to advance on Odani Castle following Anyōji’s response, he temporarily withdrew his forces.
After that, the Asai were able to endure for an additional three long years.
According to one account, had he employed Hideyoshi’s strategy at this time and immediately attacked Odani, the castle could not have held out for even a single day—yet Anyōji, through his words alone, sowed doubt in Nobunaga’s mind, an act praised as demonstrating peerless loyalty.

Nobunaga, disregarding Anyōji’s repeated plea of “Strike off my head,” urged him to submit—but when he refused to listen, declared, “Then return and devote your loyalty to Asai.”
With that, he sent him back to Odani.
For Nobunaga, a man of forbearance, this was a remarkable achievement.

The Asai forces suffered total defeat and withdrew to Odani Castle, but Isobe Danba-no-kami—surrounded by Kinoshita Hideyoshi and the Mino Triumvirate—fought ferociously. Though his troops were reduced to a mere five hundred horsemen, he broke through the Oda ranks and retreated to his stronghold at Sawayama Castle.
Inaba Ittetsu’s forces sought to pursue them, but Saitō Kuranosuke declared, “Isobe’s conduct today surpasses mortal measure—to give chase would bring no easy victory,” and forbade the pursuit.

This battle having occurred on the twenty-eighth day of the sixth month of Genki 1 (1570)—still early enough to be considered midsummer—even Nobunaga’s victorious army must have been utterly spent by the heat. Nobunaga himself likely weighed whether to immediately commit to the arduous siege warfare that would follow.
The Genki era was renamed Tenshō after three years.
The Asakura perished in August of Tenshō 1 (1573), with the Asai meeting their end the following month in September.
Over those three years, though the Asai and Asakura allied to conduct maneuvers in Kōhoku, compared to their prewar vigor they had lost all semblance of former might.

In this battle, it was Tokugawa Ieyasu who proved his mettle; by fighting tirelessly for Nobunaga, he both incurred a debt of gratitude and built his own status.
Books related to the Tokugawa family attribute the victory at Anegawa to the power of the Divine Lord, but even discounting such partiality, for Ieyasu, this was truly a war that could be called his rise to prominence.

Had Nobunaga employed Hideyoshi’s strategy immediately after the Battle of Anegawa and swiftly captured Odani Castle, Lady Oichi—Nagamasa’s wife—would not yet have given birth to her eldest daughter, Chacha.
Since their marriage had occurred in the 4th month of Eiroku 11 (1568), whether the child had already been born by then was uncertain—most likely, she was still in the womb.
Thus, amidst the chaos of the castle’s fall, she might have suffered a miscarriage, and someone like Yodo-dono might never have been born.

Thus, Hideyoshi had proposed the capture of Odani Castle in order to eliminate Yodo-dono—the very woman he would later dote on.
However, had Yodo-dono not existed, the Toyotomi clan’s reign might have endured longer.

When one considers such things, it becomes evident that every historical event is woven from countless interconnected factors.