Pathway to Japanese Literature

Author: Kikuchi Kan

Rise of Nobunaga

In March of Tenbun 18 [1549], Nobuhide—who had made the Oda clan’s presence known in Owari Province by opposing the Imagawa, daimyō of Suruga, Tōtōmi, and Mikawa provinces, along with other regional warlords—died at the age of forty-two.
Three years before Nobuhide’s death, Saburō Nobunaga—who had undergone his coming-of-age ceremony at Kowatari Castle, discarding his childhood name Kichōhōshi—immediately succeeded his father’s position and adopted the title Kazusa-no-suke.

It was when Nobuhide’s memorial service was held at Manshō-ji Temple in Nagoya.
In the hall where senior retainers sat arrayed in splendor, Nobunaga first stepped before the Buddha altar to offer incense.

The sight of Nobunaga—now commander of the Oda clan—standing before his deceased father made the entire assembly gasp.
His long and short swords were bound haphazardly with straw rope, his hair—twisted like a tea whisk—remained disheveled, and to compound matters, he wore no hakama.
Then seizing a fistful of powdered incense and tossing it in, he bowed once before departing.
Compared to Nobunaga’s younger brother Kichijirō Nobuyuki—who performed his devotions with meticulous propriety in crisply pleated formal attire—the people whispered among themselves: “Truly Lord Nobunaga exceeds even rumors—a greater fool than imagined.”
The thoughtful senior retainers sank into gloom contemplating the Oda clan’s future, though among them it was said a monk from Tsukushi serving as guest priest at this temple declared: “Lord Nobunaga is precisely the man who shall become a great provincial ruler.”
This monk would later prove discerning in judging character—yet considering Nobunaga’s conduct from childhood through these years, none could fault others for deeming him undeniably foolish.
He had been sent to Jichimoku-ji Temple in Owari for penmanship lessons—though naturally he made no effort at such studies.
Catching crucian carp from rivers to make namasu with butterbur leaves counted among his milder mischief; he would plunder classmates’ lunchboxes and devour them whole.
While walking through town he gnawed on chestnuts, persimmons, and melons, cheeks bulging with rice cakes.
Whether people jeered or pointed fingers, he paid no mind.

Until he was sixteen or seventeen, he didn’t particularly engage in play; instead, he spent his days galloping horses morning and evening, organizing hawking expeditions, and leaping into rivers from spring through autumn. Yet when observing how he gathered friends to spar with bamboo spears—giving smaller rewards upfront and greater ones afterward—how he already held the view that spears with three-ken shafts held tactical advantage, and how fervently he drilled with firearms whose battlefield efficacy grew by the day—one could affirm the monk from Tsukushi’s discernment.

And so, while demonstrating undisputed prowess in certain areas, his daily conduct remained unchanged from before.

Hirate Masahide was Oda Nobunaga’s guardian, but he had long been troubled by his lord’s conduct.
Though he tried various admonishments, they proved utterly ineffective.
During this period, Masahide’s eldest son—a man called Gorōemon—owned a fine horse. Nobunaga, an avid horseman, saw it and asked for the horse, only to be flatly refused.
If the old man was stubborn, then the son was obstinate—Nobunaga’s mood turned foul.
Seeing this—that his upbringing had failed thus far—and now there was also his son’s timidity.
Resolving that beyond this, there was no path left but to admonish through death, on the 13th day of the intercalary first month of Tenbun 22 (1553), at sixty-some years of age, he split open his aged belly and perished.

In his testament were:

"If you do not rectify your heart, others will not serve you with sincerity; may you cultivate not only intellect but also magnanimity,

You must remain free from desire and eschew favoritism based on old ties; you must seek out capable talent.

A realm cannot be sustained by martial prowess alone; may you cultivate the civil arts,

May you not neglect courtesy and propriety,

There were such articles, among others."

Nobunaga shed tears of remorse, but it was too late.
In atonement, he built a family temple called Seishū-ji in Ogi Village, Nishikasugai District, and granted it an estate yielding 200 koku.
(Later moved to Kiyosu and now located in Nagoya)

When Nobunaga caught a small bird in the hunting fields, he would throw it skyward shouting, “Masahide, eat this bird!” And when standing by a stream’s edge, he would cry out through tears, “Masahide, drink this water!”

Through Masahide’s admonitory death, Nobunaga greatly reformed his conduct while simultaneously unleashing his innate military prowess.

From age sixteen until twenty-seven at the Battle of Okehazama, he was engulfed in the tumult of war without a moment's respite, sparing no effort to secure his own base.

Originally, the Oda clan had spread across the Yahari area, each branch maintaining its own stronghold, but as Nobunaga’s influence in Kiyosu began to surpass that of the main Oda house, the castle lord Oda Hikogorō—rallying behind Shiba Yoshimoto—conspired with his kinsmen Oda Iga-no-kami of Matsuba Castle and Oda Saemon-no-jō of Fukada Castle to annihilate Nobunaga in one decisive strike.
Nobunaga, together with his uncle Morimaru Nobumitsu in Moriyama, seized the initiative and on August 16, Tenbun 21 [1552], sallied forth from Nagoya to attack Kiyosu Castle from three directions.
The following year, he finally captured Kiyosu and relocated there himself, stationing Nobumitsu in Kurōdani and his younger brother Nobutsugu in Moriyama.
Now, it happened that Nobutsugu—stationed at Moriyama (three ri from Kiyosu)—went fishing in a river with his retainers during the summer of Kōji 1 [1555], when a knight passed by without bowing; enraged, he shot and killed the man.
When the knight he had killed turned out to be Nobunaga’s younger brother Hidetaka, Nobutsugu—stunned—fled on the spot.
When Hidetaka’s older brother Nobuyuki heard of this, he raced from Suemori to Moriyama and burned down the castle town, while Nobunaga galloped forth from Kiyosu in turn, creating an uproar.

Now, this Nobuyuki had been raised at Suemori Castle by senior retainers such as Hayashi Michikatsu and Shibata Katsuie; however, the old retainers, disdaining Nobunaga’s brashness, conspired to have Nobuyuki succeed to the Oda lineage. However, in battle against Nobunaga, they were swiftly defeated and thus begged for mercy. Nobunaga forgave them, but when Katsuie and the others still refused to heed admonitions and plotted rebellion, Nobunaga finally plotted to assassinate them. It was the eleventh month of Kōji 2 [1556]. There were further rebellions by his half-brother Oda Nobuhiro and Iwakura Castle lord Oda Nobuyasu, among others, but all were quelled by Nobunaga.

All of the above were rebellions by clansmen; apart from these, there were dealings with commanders of the eastern neighbor Imagawa clan.
In Aichi District’s Narumi Castle was a castle lord called Yamaguchi Samanosuke who served as a general under Oda Nobuhide and stood guard against the Imagawa clan.
When Nobuhide died and Nobunaga succeeded him—whether deeming Nobunaga unreliable or not—he rebelled and defected to the Imagawa clan.
He then built castles in Kasadera and Nakamura of Aichi District, stationing himself at Nakamura, Imagawa general Tobeyoshi at Kasadera, and his own son Kurōjirō at Narumi.
As Nobunaga could not leave this unattended, he personally launched an attack in Tenbun 21 (1552), but was instead defeated—allowing Samanosuke to gain momentum.
He occupied Ōdaka and Kutsukake among others.
Nobunaga this time attacked Kasadera, but Tobeyoshi’s valor left the castle showing no signs of falling.
Thereupon, after deliberating, Nobunaga had Mori Yoshinari disguise himself as a merchant to infiltrate Suruga and slander Tobeyoshi to Yoshimoto.
Yoshimoto took the slander at face value: he recalled Tobeyoshi and had him killed; then suspecting Samanosuke as well, he summoned and killed him too.

For Samanosuke, who had betrayed his former lord, this was poetic justice—though Nobunaga too had employed considerable counterintelligence.
To be sure, in this age of warring states, there existed no great commander among heroes who refrained from employing counterintelligence—thus there should have been nothing particularly remarkable about this.

In any case, after such struggles, it was none other than a historical inevitability that Nobunaga—who had finally begun extending his influence in all directions—and Imagawa Yoshimoto—who held the three provinces of Suruga, Tōtōmi, and Mikawa while awaiting his chance to march west—would come to clash.

Imagawa Yoshimoto's Westward Advance

The Warring States period, an age of rival warlords, may at first glance appear as nothing more than a chaotic dark age; however, one must not overlook the momentum toward unification stirring within this chaos.
The fact that heroes and warlords across the land each harbored ambitions to battle east and west in pursuit of becoming ruler of the realm was not merely due to their heroic ideals; rather, it stemmed from their calculated intent to ride the tides of unification—both politically and economically.
By this era, the separation of soldiers and farmers had become fully apparent; regional commerce flourished, and urban centers gradually formed—from Sakai, which had thrived since the Ashikaga period, to Odawara in the east, Osaka in the west, and Yamaguchi. Yet come autumn, those who thought to cling to their own modest holdings in minor provinces would find themselves crushed beneath the ambitions of greater powers striving to expand.
It was only natural that those with ambition would inevitably march on the capital, seeking under the Emperor to seize control of political and economic power and thereby achieve wealth and strength.
Thus, among those who harbored the ambition to march west were Takeda Shingen and Uesugi Kenshin.
Imagawa Yoshimoto, too, holding three great provinces, must have had the ambition to march west.

Imagawa Yoshimoto, first seeking to eliminate concerns from his rear, had his own daughter wed to Takeda Harunobu’s son Yoshinobu.
He also made peace with the Hōjō clan.
Now, at last came the preparations for the westward advance—but to reach the capital, they would first have to crush the western Mikawa warlords and, above all, defeat Nobunaga of Owari.
Thereupon, Yoshimoto ordered Matsudaira Takechiyo—whom he had stationed at Suruga Province’s provincial capital—to lead the vanguard.
Takechiyo—that is, Tokugawa Ieyasu of later years.
Takechiyo faced hardship; initially, he was granted only a thousand-*koku* fief in Muro Village, Atsumi District, and struggled even to adequately support his retainers.
It is even said that Torii Iga-no-kami Tadayoshi expended much of his own wealth for the Matsudaira family’s sake.
The retainers who would later be called Mikawa warriors endured all hardships and awaited their moment.
Takechiyo (who became Yoshimoto’s brother-in-law by marrying Sekiguchi Chikanaga’s daughter in late Kōji 2 [1556], later taking the name Motoyasu and then Ieyasu) had demonstrated many achievements by undertaking command of the westward advance’s vanguard as Yoshimoto ordered—but not even he himself could have imagined that his fate would begin to unfold precisely because Yoshimoto’s ambition for this westward campaign was crushed.

To briefly illustrate how excellently Matsudaira Motoyasu served as vanguard: in April of Kōji 3 [1557], he attacked Kariya; in July advanced toward Ōbu; in February of Eiroku 1 [1558], assaulted Suzuki Shigenori—lord of Terabe Castle who had betrayed Yoshimoto to ally with Nobunaga; and that same April, successfully delivered provisions to Ōdaka Castle.

Of course, by this time Nobunaga’s forces had also made thorough preparations without negligence; even Ōdaka Castle was kept under close surveillance, and they strictly guarded against any provisions being delivered.
If there were any signs of the Imagawa forces attempting to deliver provisions to Ōdaka, he commanded that the two castles nearest to Ōdaka—Washizu and Marune—sound their conch shell horns; that upon hearing these horns, the fortresses at Terabe and elsewhere swiftly rally to Ōdaka’s front; and that troops from Tange and Nakajima castles reinforce Washizu and Marune. Thus they stood ready with bowstrings taut.

As night fell on the seventeenth day of the fourth month, Matsudaira Jirōsaburō Motoyasu—though an eighteen-year-old young warrior—had made his preparations and was about to set out to fulfill his great duty. Sakai Yoshirō Masachika, Do Kogorō Tadatsugu, Ishikawa Yoshichirō Kazumasa, and others said, “If it’s Nobunaga, he must surely have plans in place for the castle.” “There’s no way we could possibly deliver provisions!” they advised, but Motoyasu—who harbored a secret stratagem—would never heed such counsel. On a plot of land measuring one jō and eight shaku, they erected seven white banners each bearing three black hollyhock crests, and with over four thousand cavalry, solemnly set forth. Ieyasu led eight hundred soldiers and guarded twelve hundred baggage loads while holding position twenty-odd chō from Ōdaka Castle. The vanguard, with Washizu, Marune, and Ōdaka in view to their side, turned toward Terabe Castle and launched a sudden attack on it. At the Hour of the Ox [around 2 AM], Nobunaga’s forces were greatly startled and fended them off, but Matsudaira’s troops had already broken through the first gate, set fire, and swiftly withdrawn. No sooner had they withdrawn than they turned toward Umegatsubo Castle, breached through to the second and third enclosures, and set fires in the same manner. The guards at Marune and Washizu—who had been strictly monitoring Ōdaka Castle—were still processing distant war cries when they saw fires pierce the darkness at Terabe and Umegatsubo Castles, leaving them both shocked and puzzled. They had convinced themselves that there was no reason to attack minor castles like Terabe first while leaving Marune and Washizu—the fortresses closest to Ōdaka Castle—untouched. Though they regarded it with suspicion, their allies were in dire straits. Without a moment to gather their belongings, they left their castles nearly empty and rushed to the scene. It was Motoyasu who laughed in the dark, seeing their stratagem had struck true. Taking advantage of this opening, they effortlessly delivered provisions into Ōdaka Castle.

This supply delivery to Ōdaka Castle became none other than the inaugural scene in Ieyasu’s scroll of ascendancy.
Motoyasu—having succeeded in provisioning Ōdaka—pressed onward to Ōbu in May and by August had taken Koromo Castle.
In March of Eiroku’s third year [1560], he struck at Kariya; by July seized Higashihirose and Terabe’s twin fortresses; occupied Muraki Outpost come December; then razed it when New Year dawned.

Now matters stood where head-on collision alone remained.

On May 1, 1560 (Eiroku 3), Imagawa Yoshimoto at last issued the command for his entire army to depart.
The vanguard had already departed on the 10th; two days later on the 12th, Yoshimoto left Fuchū (present-day Shizuoka), leaving his son Ujizana in charge.
The total force numbered twenty-five thousand—though they claimed forty thousand.
In this practice of inflating numbers, they were no different from generals in China today.

It is said that several ill omens attended Yoshimoto’s departure.

Originally, since his elder brother Ujiteru had inherited the family headship, Yoshimoto himself had become a Zen monk and resided at Fuji Zendō-ji Temple.
As Ujiteru had no children, they made twenty-year-old Yoshimoto return to secular life and ceded the family headship to him.
This was Imagawa Yoshimoto, Jirō no Daibu.
However, at this juncture, it was Yoshimoto’s second brother—Ryōshin, abbot of Hanakura Temple—who intervened.
Ryōshin believed that he himself, being the elder brother, should have inherited the household; yet because he shared a different mother from Ujiteru and Yoshimoto, he had been excluded. In the end, he fought against Yoshimoto but was defeated and committed suicide at Hanakura Temple.

That Ryōshin of Hanakura Temple appeared on the night of Yoshimoto’s departure. Yoshimoto pulled out the renowned blade Matsukura-gō from beside his pillow and slashed at it. “Being a ghost, even if slashed at, it likely matters little,” Ryōshin leaped back and declared, “I came to announce that thy fate has reached its end.” He had come specifically to deliver such an ill-omened report on the very eve of his campaign. Yoshimoto, undefeated, retorted, “Thou art mine enemy—why wouldst thou deign to foretell my fortune?” arguing that even one not human might well speak falsehoods. “True, thou art mine enemy,” Ryōshin uttered, scarcely able to finish—“yet I came grieving to tell thee the Imagawa house shall perish”—before vanishing into nothingness.

It is also told that there was a white fox regarded as a divine messenger at the Chinjū Sōsha Daimyōjin shrine in Suruga Province, which died with its chest split open on the day of Yoshimoto’s departure.

All of them being eerie fabrications and wild tales, the truth could not be discerned.
Had Imagawa Yoshimoto won this battle, such stories would not have been passed down—instead, tales of triumph would have been told.

Returning to our narrative: on the 15th, the vanguard reached Chiryū; on the 17th, they arrived at Narumi and set villages ablaze.

Imagawa Yoshimoto arrived at Okazaki on the 16th and deployed his forces as follows.

Okazaki Castle garrison: Iwahara Motokage and over a thousand men

Surveillance of Ogawa and Kariya: Horikoshi Yoshihisa and over a thousand men

On the 18th, [he] passed through Imamura, arrived at Kutsukake Castle and encamped; there, he determined the deployments for his entire army.

Marune Fortress attack: Matsudaira Motoyasu: 2,500 men

Washizu Fortress attack: Asahina Yasuyoshi: 2,000 men

Reinforcements: Mimura Bingo-no-kami: 3,000 men

Advance toward Kiyosu front: Katsuyama Nobusada: 5,000 men

Main force: Imagawa Yoshimoto: 5,000 men

Narumi Castle garrison: Okabe Mitsunobu: 700-800 men

Kutsukake Castle garrison: Asai Masatoshi: 1,500 men

Furthermore, [he] ordered Udono Nagateru of Ōdaka Castle to provide support for the attacks on Marune and Washizu.
This Udono was a warrior who, when previously attacked by Nobunaga’s forces and facing scarce provisions, gathered edible plants and roots within the castle—using them on days without battle and distributing actual rice on days of combat.

In response to the Imagawa forces' offensive, the Oda forces too had made thorough preparations.
Namely:

Washizu Fortress: Oda Nobuhira, 400–500 men

Marune Fortress: Sakuma Morishige, 400–500 men
Tanjō Fortress: Mizuno Tadamitsu, 400–500 men
Zenshōji Fortress: Sakuma Nobutatsu, 400–500 men
Nakajima Fortress: Kajikawa Kazuhide, 400–500 men
These fortresses were such that Tanjō Fortress measured forty ken square, while all the rest were mere fourteen or fifteen ken square.
Their troops were hopelessly outnumbered compared to the Imagawa forces—yet not a single commander or soldier beneath them showed the slightest fear of death.

Sakuma Morishige of Marune Fortress, lamenting the pointless slaughter of his men, urged the five banner leaders—Hattori Genbanokami, Watanabe Ōkura, Ōta Sakon, Hayakawa Daizen, and Kikuma Okinokami—to withdraw and join up with the rear forces; yet not a single one heeded him.

The night of May 18, 1560 (Eiroku 3) deepened with an aura of death filling the mountains and fields.
It was a muggy night.

The clash of both armies - the Battle of Okehazama

The muggy night of the 18th gave way to the early morning of the 19th, when troops led by Motoyasu’s generals Matsudaira Mitsunori, Matsudaira Masachika, and Matsudaira Masatada first closed in on Marune Fortress.
The long-prepared Sakuma Morishige and his defenders fiercely resisted and fought.
Since Matsudaira Masachika and Matsudaira Masatada fell and even Mitsunori was wounded, one could infer the ferocity of their counterattack.
When the generals had met such fates, the soldiers instantly faltered and began to retreat.
Without giving them an opening, Morishige and his men threw open the gate crosswise and charged forth.
Observing this, Motoyasu—recognizing these were soldiers resolved to die—deemed close combat unwise and ordered his forces to encircle them from afar while unleashing arrows and gunfire. Thus exposed to the storm of projectiles, Morishige and his men fell alongside their soldiers.
Motoyasu’s retainers Kakei Masanori and others seized this opportunity to advance, engaging in combat without allowing the enemy time to close the gates. Matsudaira Yoshitada’s retainer Sadao Masatsuna became the first to breach [the fortress], finally succeeding in setting it ablaze.
There, Motoyasu had Matsudaira Ieji present the seven heads of banner leaders at Yoshimoto’s headquarters and deliver news of the victory.
Yoshimoto, rejoicing and proclaiming "We have already won," ordered Udono Nagateru to enter Ōdaka Castle in his stead to rest men and horses, and commanded Nagateru to join the vanguard at Kasadera.

This marked the beginning of the clash between both armies, but Nobunaga in Kiyosu remained composed.

The previous night, Nobunaga had gathered his senior retainers, yet there was not the slightest indication of discussing military affairs—the topics were all mundane matters.
Hayashi Michikatsu, unable to contain his agitation any longer, stepped forward and spoke.
“We have already received reports of the enemy’s situation from Sakuma at Marune, but facing Yoshimoto’s vast army head-on would be nigh impossible.”
“Since Kiyosu Castle is fortunately a renowned fortress in the land, you should fortify yourself here.”

Nobunaga answered calmly.
“Since ancient times, holing up in a castle has never turned fortune’s tide.”
“At dawn tomorrow, we deploy to the Narumi front—there will be no battle but the decisive one where either I perish or he dies.”
Hearing this, Mori Sanzaemon Kanenari, Shibata Gonroku Katsuie, and others responded with fervor, vowing to meet their end before the warhorses.

When late night arrived, Nobunaga emerged into the hall and asked Sai what time it was.
When she replied that midnight had passed, he had a saddle placed on his horse and ordered hot water over rice to be served.
The maid humbly prepared and presented it with kombu and dried chestnuts, and he leisurely finished eating.
His meal preparations were more than ample.
After finishing his meal, he sat down on a camp stool, summoned a small hand drum, faced east, and began chanting the Noh play *Atsumori*.
This *Atsumori* was a piece Nobunaga had always delighted in chanting.
"...This world is no abiding place—the white dew resting on grass blades, the moon dwelling in water—all more fleeting still. The splendor of those who composed verses on blossoms at Golden Valley has passed before; those who toyed with the moon atop southern towers too are led by winds of impermanence, concealed beneath clouds of transience ere the moon itself fades."
“Fifty years of human life—compared to the great transformations [of existence]—are but dream or illusion; is there anything born that does not perish…?”

Nobunaga's resonant yet unhurried chant resounded through the camp, still as a forest.
The officers and men must have felt their commander's resolve to die seep into their hearts.
He fastened the Honjo Masamune greatsword at his waist and immediately mounted a chestnut horse.
When exiting the castle, there were only five horsemen: his page Iwamuro Nagatonokami, Hasegawa Hashisuke, Sawaki Tōhachi, Yamaguchi Hidanokami, and Katō Yosaburō.
As they approached the main gate, a pitch-black mass waited.
Looking closer, it was over three hundred horsemen led by Mori and Shibata.
"You're early! Early indeed!" he called out, then charged headlong until reaching Atsuta Shrine's sacred grounds—where his force now numbered eighteen hundred.
At Atsuta's town entrance, Kato Zushonosuke Yukimori came out to greet them and had prepared ceremonial confections for the departure ritual.
Nobunaga joyfully visited the shrine, presented a votive prayer, and drank the sacred sake.
The votive prayer was said to be one Nobunaga had Takei Nyūdō Yuuan compose,

“Grieved by the present chaos afflicting the world, I resolved to pacify the realm myself—when Yoshimoto, in his tyranny, comes invading. The disparity in numbers between enemy and ally was as a mantis blocking a chariot’s path, or a mosquito biting an iron ox.” It conveyed the meaning: “May there be divine aid for the sake of the realm”—though whether such a votive prayer had truly been presented remained somewhat doubtful. Yet there could be no question that he regarded this battle as the first step toward pacifying the realm.

Nobunaga, at this moment, tossed coins before the gods and declared, “If they land heads, our victory is assured.”
When he had the priests examine them, all showed heads, so the officers and soldiers exulted.
This was because the coins had been glued back-to-back, making heads the only possible outcome.

By now, night had completely given way to dawn, and a sun that promised the day’s sweltering heat was already climbing quite high above the mountain’s edge.
When Nobunaga looked back, eighteen hundred officers and soldiers resolved to die were following solemnly; yet the Imagawa forces were, after all, an army exceeding ten times their number.
Determined to make their forces appear more numerous, he ordered Kato Yukimori to gather iris banners and cotton strips from the townhouses, had Atsuta’s residents affix them to bamboo poles—one each—and stand them upright like battlefield standards in elevated positions, creating an illusion of troops.

According to *The Battle of Okehazama Chronicle*,

“At the time of departing Atsuta, Nobunaga placed both hands on the front and rear wheels of his saddle, mounted sideways leaning against the rear wheel, and chanted a nasal melody.”

it states.
He likely had a fondness for this [song]—"To die is certain—what use is hidden grass? I will surely leave my tale..."—just as he did for *Atsumori*.

he was likely humming that little song as well.
This composure on the eve of decisive battle was, without question, that of a genius military commander.

In such attire, having exited Atsuta Shrine, there by the roadside knelt a youth of about twenty years wearing a haori, appearing to wait for Nobunaga to address him. When Nobunaga saw his distinguished features and demanded his identity, the man replied he was Kuwahara Jinnai—once an acolyte at a temple Yoshimoto frequented for leisure—and declared that if permitted, he wished to grapple with Yoshimoto in this battle and take his head. Nobunaga granted him a sword and took him into his retinue. Upon hearing this, both Mōri Shinsuke and Hattori Koheita resolved to accompany this youth and seek out Yoshimoto.

At precisely eight o'clock, before Kamichigama Shrine south of Atsuta Shrine, a single pillar of smoke could be seen rising in the far south, glowing deep violet where it caught the morning sun's rays.
This was the smoke from Marune Fortress burning to ashes.
When they pressed their men and horses forward to reach the road before Furunariumi, they encountered a dust-caked messenger from the front lines.
Upon hearing that Marune had fallen and Sakuma Daigaku along with Iio Ōmi-no-kami had just perished in battle, Nobunaga declared, "Daigaku has gone to death before me," then commanded his attendants to bring the silver prayer beads. Slinging them diagonally across his shoulder, he swept his gaze across the ranks and roared.
"Now yield me your lives!" No sooner had he shouted than he lashed his chestnut mount into a charge.
The retainers raced after him without hesitation—and in moments, the Kōzuke Highway churned with a maelstrom of hoof-stirred dust.

After Marune fell, Washizu too found itself locked in similarly desperate straits.
The Imagawa forces attacked with fire as they had done at Marune. With Nobuhira and others perishing in futile defense, all remaining soldiers were compelled to retreat toward Kiyosu.
It was around ten o'clock in the morning.

Sassa Masatsugu, Chisaka Toshitada, Maeda Toshiie, Iwamoro Shigeyasu, and others—stationed near Narumi—saw Nobunaga advancing from Tange to Zenshōji Temple. Leading over three hundred men, they clashed with Imagawa forces in the Narumi sector. But overwhelmed by numbers, Masatsugu, Shigeyasu, Toshitada, and over fifty others fell in battle.
Toshitada was twenty-seven years old at this time—Nobunaga, moved by compassion, would later appoint his descendants as chief priests of Atsuta Shrine.
Maeda Toshiie had previously incurred Nobunaga's displeasure before this battle; resolving this moment was his chance for redemption, he immediately took an enemy head and presented it before his lord—yet Nobunaga withheld forgiveness.
So he cast that head into a marsh and brought another—still forgiveness was denied.
They say he finally received pardon only after leading the charge at Moribe.

Yuasa Jinsuke Naomune of Kasadera—a fourteen-year-old young warrior who heard the army’s call and could not remain still—temporarily took Nobunaga’s spare horse without permission, galloped forth, defeated an enemy soldier, and took his head. Overjoyed, he presented it to Nobunaga, only to be reprimanded for abandoning his post without authorization.

Yasui Shinzaemon Iemoto, a retainer of Korezumi Gorōzaemon, had shot down seventeen horsemen in the Battle of Narumi.

Though Nobunaga’s forces fought valiantly thus, the Imagawa’s overwhelming numbers rendered the broader situation disadvantageous for him in conventional warfare.

When Nobunaga—stationed at Zenshōji Temple—heard that the heads of Masatsugu, Shigeyasu, and Toshitada had been sent to Imagawa’s headquarters, he gnashed his teeth and moved to lead his main army against them—a response none could fault.
Hayashi Michikatsu, Ikeda Nobuteru, and Shibata Katsuie reined in their restless mounts and cautioned: “With the enemy numerous and our allies few—nay, with these narrow roads preventing mass deployment—how can we wage a frontal assault?” But Nobunaga, his earlier composure frayed, ignored them and tried to cross to Nakashima.
Had he done so and fought head-on, the name of Nobunaga, Minister of the Right, might never have resounded across the realm.
At that very moment, a scout dispatched by Yanada Masatsuna returned from Kutsukake and reported: “Yoshimoto now moves from Odaka toward Okehazama.”
Soon after came another scout announcing Yoshimoto’s encampment at Dengaku Hazama Pass.
Masatsuna urged Nobunaga: “Yoshimoto grows complacent from past victories—strike now through mountain paths to take his head unawares.”
Nobunaga—who had been petulant until then—proved worthy of his famed generalship by heeding Masatsuna at once: leaving troops at Zenshōji with multiplied banners as decoys, he advanced via hidden paths toward Dengaku Hazama.
The day had blazed since dawn, but at noon thunder roared as torrential rain fell in sheets, winds shaking mountain trees.
Thus concealed from Imagawa ears by storm’s din—as if Atsuta’s gods themselves aided them—they pressed onward through the mountain trail.

Rai San'yō, Master Gaishi, later composed:

Officers gagged, horses silenced
Okehazama—barrel's narrows—thunder rends asunder
Proud dragon headless, scales of defeat adrift
Wind-whipped rain assaults—blood or storm?
One clash unleashes chaos-quelling force

Through endless ages, the coastal highway’s war miasma quelled.

Only crimson bloodstains like dyed patterns remain.

The mountain path of Kasadera, shaken by evening showers,

Beneath the rain’s veil, all lies shrouded—ah!

This is a poem by Inoue Fumio of the Bakumatsu period.

Just as Nobunaga and his men had anticipated, Yoshimoto—delighted by the frequent victory reports—found himself in high spirits when nearby shrine priests and monks arrived with celebratory food and drink. And so he hosted a banquet.

At this moment, Yoshimoto’s battle attire consisted of a crimson brocade hitatare underrobe, white-breasted gusoku armor, and a five-plate helmet embossed with eight dragons, while bearing the Matsukurago and Ōsazamori swords at his side.
The Ōsazamori sword was swiftly captured by Nobunaga. Upon its blade were engraved on the obverse: "Sword in possession at the time of Yoshimoto's defeat on May 19, Eiroku 3," and on the reverse: "Oda Owari no Kami Nobunaga."

At the very moment Yoshimoto’s banquet reached its peak, Nobunaga’s forces were positioned atop Taishigane Hill overlooking Dengaku Hazama Pass directly below.
Dengaku Hazama was surrounded by mountains on both sides save for a single road leading to Okehazama.
With this, Yoshimoto had become a rat in a trap.
Atop the hill, Nobunaga dismounted and deliberated whether to launch a frontal assault. Mori Yoshinari responded that charging downhill while remaining mounted would be best. Then, just as the storm began to subside around noon, they timed their moment and surged forward all at once.
At Yoshimoto’s headquarters, they had never imagined Nobunaga would launch such a sudden assault, so they initially assumed the disturbance was merely infighting among their own ranks—yet the clamor only continued to swell.
As Yoshimoto’s soldiers raised the curtained banner in an attempt to regain control of their troops, Kuwahara Jinnai—the aforementioned—spotted this and moved to attack but was intercepted by attending retainers and cut down.
Hattori Koheita—who had been clinging to Jinnai—blended into this chaos. Yoshimoto, mistaking him for an ally, ordered him to take his horse; seizing the moment, Koheita thrust his spear into the commander’s flank.
Yoshimoto, true to his reputation, refused to yield—he severed the mother-of-pearl-inlaid spear shaft and slashed Koheita’s knee, sending the warrior sprawling.
As soon as Mōri Shinsuke—who likewise aimed for Yoshimoto’s head—announced himself and stepped forward, he grappled with Yoshimoto and frantically tried to seize it.
Desperately trying to pin down the head, Shinsuke thrust his left index finger into Yoshimoto’s mouth—even as it was bitten off—and finally managed to lift the head.
Having been ambushed with their commander fallen in battle, numbers no longer mattered.
The Imagawa forces were thrown into complete disarray.

The Imagawa generals Matsui Munenobu, Ii Naomori, and others had been stationed about ten chō in front of the headquarters; upon hearing of the emergency, they rushed into battle but were all slain.

According to one account, when the headquarters fell, Ihara Sakon and Doi Shōjirō galloped over and urged Yoshimoto to relocate to Odaka given the urgency of the situation; however, they were ambushed while proceeding with twelve or thirteen horsemen.

Nobunaga, having secured victory in one stroke, deliberately refrained from pursuing the Imagawa forces far; he immediately gathered his troops at Maimaiyama, suspended Yoshimoto’s head from his horse’s left flank, and withdrew to Kiyosu by nightfall.
It was truly a divinely swift maneuver.
At Atsuta Shrine, he offered prayers of gratitude, dedicated a horse, and vowed to repair the sanctuary.

The day after the triumphant return, they examined the captured heads and found there were over two thousand five hundred.
Shitomo Kūrozaemon had captured Gonnami alive and made him identify the heads.
It is said that from Kiyosu, they built the Yoshimoto Mound along the highway leading twenty *chō* south to Suga and Atsuta, erected a large memorial stupa, and had one thousand sutra recitations performed.

While Yoshimoto’s ambitions scattered like smoke, Nobunaga—from among regional warlords—suddenly became a name known throughout the realm.

The chance to rule the realm that Yoshimoto had let slip unexpectedly rolled into Nobunaga’s hands.

Conclusion and Supplementary Notes

In this battle, while belonging to the defeated army, it was Matsudaira Motoyasu—later Tokugawa Ieyasu—who contrary to all expectations forged his own fortune.
Motoyasu had been at Odaka since morning after capturing Marune Fortress when news of Yoshimoto’s defeat reached him by evening.
Though his retainers urged retreat, Motoyasu refused to comply, declaring he could not face Yoshimoto should the commander still live.
At this critical moment, his uncle Mizuno Nobumoto sent Asai Michitada as a messenger with confirmation of the defeat. After verifying the report through his subordinates, Motoyasu waited past eleven o’clock on the nineteenth for moonrise before withdrawing to Mikawa under Michitada’s guidance—enduring harassment from local bandits until finally reaching Okazaki.
Upon arrival, finding Okazaki Castle abandoned by its panicked Imagawa garrison, Motoyasu announced “If it’s a forsaken castle, I shall claim it,” and took residence there.

In May of Eiroku 5 (1562), through the mediation of Mizuno Nobumoto, Motoyasu met with Nobunaga at Kiyosu Castle and formed an alliance, thereby gaining the foundation to gradually expand his influence—a reward for the patience he had cultivated since childhood.
Motoyasu, out of loyalty to Yoshimoto, urged his son Ujizane to launch a campaign of vengeance—but there was no indication of compliance.
Although Yoshimoto had suffered a crushing defeat at Nobunaga’s hands—one that left him humbled in the dirt—the very fact that he had come to rule three major provinces spoke to his qualities as a commander of some leadership ability. But when it came to his son Ujizane, one could only call him utterly inept.
Among the tales illustrating Yoshimoto’s fondness for literary pursuits was one from a certain battle: having sent out a scout, the soldier soon returned with a single head.
Yoshimoto did not reward him; instead, he sought to punish the scout under military law for neglecting his duties.

The soldier, head still hung low, recited Ietaka’s poem:

*Though the karukaya bears no hue that pierces the soul,*

*Though seen, impossible to cast aside—the dew beneath bending fronds.*

Upon hearing this murmured verse, it is said his stern countenance softened at once.
As he was a major regional warlord, court nobles from the capital frequently came and went; Yoshimoto’s appearance naturally took on an elegant air—his hair in a chonmage topknot, his teeth blackened with iron-gall ink.
On the other hand, we must not forget the account of his fall from horseback at Kutsukake during this recent battle.
However, while Yoshimoto had striven to master both literary and military arts, when it came to Ujizane, he had inherited only his father’s worst traits.

Even after Yoshimoto’s death, there remained four or five capable senior retainers besides Asahina Hyōbu; however, Ujizane showed them not an ounce of reverence, employing only a feeble man named Miura Uemon Yoshimoto while indulging in dancing and banquets.
In my past novel titled *The Death of Miura Uemon*, he was apparently not such a youth.
To those he favored, he would give his own concubines, dress women in crimson skirts to compose songs for their beauty—as if he had utterly forgotten being born into a warrior house.
For one such as Miura [Uemon], who sought to claim the domains of Ii Naomori—a warrior celebrated for his valor at Okehazama—and even went so far as to secretly take Yoshimoto’s former beloved concubine Kikutsuru as his wife while overseeing state affairs, retainers of discernment gradually withdrew, thereby sowing the seeds of the Imagawa clan’s ruin.

In Tenbun 22, there existed a letter in which Yoshimoto admonished Ujizane:

"Your conduct shows utter recklessness—what resolve do you harbor for your future?... Archery and horsemanship are a man’s vocation; whether skilled or unskilled matters not—they must be cultivated through training. To govern a land, one cannot dispense with mastery of both literary and military arts... Moreover, when a nobleman is overvalued, authority wanes—this Yoshimoto has acquired a disposition toward rash decisions through unforeseen circumstances."

"Though our relatives and subordinates have repeatedly acted beyond wisdom’s bounds—and though I myself could not avoid sundry obligations in my time—even where rank holds no meaning, so long as resolve precedes action, no harm follows. But should even you, Ujizane, persist thus, we shall cease to be lords of this land. Mark well this distinction…"

Yoshimoto’s sentiment—exposing his own shortcomings to admonish Ujizane—was all too conceivable.

If Yoshimoto had been a commander who excelled in literary arts, Nobunaga stood rather as the true military commander.
In times of Sengoku upheaval, it stood to reason that martial factions would prevail over those favoring civil governance.
Nobunaga once had seals crafted: for himself, “Tenka Fubu” (“Spread Military Rule Under Heaven”); for Nobutaka, “With Spear and Sword, Pacify the Realm”; and for Nobuo, “Impose Authority Across the Land.”
This sufficed to glimpse a fragment of Nobunaga’s intent.

Yet that he was not solely reliant on military force was evident through paired anecdotes: Nobunaga pardoning Inaba Issetsu—who had attempted assassination—precisely because the man demonstrated deep understanding of the poem *Snow Blankets Blue Pass*; and Yoshimoto sparing a subordinate on account of a single *waka* poem.

There were criticisms that he had been unruly from childhood, but while aspects of his temperament certainly existed, one must recognize that meticulous preparation lay concealed within him.

From another perspective, it could also be seen as a manifestation of revolutionary spirit against the formalized lifestyle of the late Ashikaga period.

His meticulousness was also evident in how he employed people.
Nobunaga’s success and Yoshimoto’s failure may each be attributed in half measure to the presence or absence of capable personnel.

For a recent example from this Battle of Okehazama, [Nobunaga] granted Yanada Dewa-no-kami the land of Kutsukake Village worth three thousand *kan*, praising how his apt counsel had secured great advantage; however, Mōri Shinsuke—who took Yoshimoto’s head—received no reward matching Yanada’s.
Even in the distribution of rewards, he never erred in judging the worth of individuals.

In his *Dokushi Yoron* (*Readings of History*), Arai Hakuseki listed various reasons for Nobunaga’s success, among them—
In the wake of the Ōnin War, when warlords’ endless conflicts drained the people’s strength daily and impoverished the realm’s coffers, Nobuhide, Lord of Bingo, anchored himself in fertile lands. He implemented strategies for prosperity, amassing both military might and wealth through agrarian-military policies. Nobunaga inherited this foundation, secured heroic retainers, and achieved victory through countless campaigns.
The country was a crossroads of four directions, situated near the capital; moreover, having risen by harnessing the lingering prestige of generations of Ashikaga shoguns, his authority reached across the realm.

As he states, it is an apt commentary indeed.