Pathway to Japanese Literature

I. Preface

In accordance with established conventions since the time of Fukuchū Daitoku, I intend to proceed under the name of Ryukyuan Shinto.
To such an extent could it be intimately accepted by mainlanders that indeed, it would have been most appropriate to regard Ryukyuan Shinto as either a branch of mainland Shinto or rather as something preserving to this day the vestiges of its priestess religion era.
To such a degree was Ryukyuan Shinto—so close as to be separated by but a single sheet of paper from ancient mainland Shinto—that it maintained the form of an organized priestess religion.

And yet Ryukyu should now already be viewed as being in a transitional period of attempting to syncretize mainland Shinto.
Within Okinawa Island, there existed a few instances where villages maintained their utaki sacred groves in the manner of mainland shrines, even erecting torii gates. One example was the enshrinement of photographs of General Nogi and his wife alongside the deities at Yoriake Mori no Kami and Mausatesakukumoi Goibu.

In recent years, at the inaugural ceremony of the youth group in Ōgimi Village, Kunigami, a sparrow strayed into the event, and they rejoiced together, considering it an auspicious sign for the group’s prosperity.
This stemmed from having adopted mainland-style thinking; among the elderly, entering a room where a bird had entered remained taboo.
When encountering such impurity, the entire household would perform beach descent and conduct purification rites.
However, this mentality of religious deference had also long served as a unifying principle that these islanders maintained since ancient times.
While containing marked minor differences, Ryukyuan Shinto achieved great unity and extended from the Dō Islands of Amami in the north to the outlying Sakishima Islands of Miyako and Yaeyama in the south.

II. Remote Worship Sites: Otoboshi

The fundamental concept of Ryukyuan Shinto lay in what might be termed remote worship.
The practice of venerating from afar the paradise where supreme beings dwell had transitioned from focusing on people to employing incense burners, a tradition still observed today.

Utaki worship sites at their inception could be considered to have emerged from this concept of remote veneration.
In coastal regions or island villages, communities worshipped small offshore islands distant from their settlements as abodes of deities.
The most renowned examples included Kudaka Island in Shimajiri and Nakijin’s Otoboshi in Kunigami, though such instances were beyond counting.
I hypothesize this form represents Otoboshi’s most archaic manifestation.

Many utaki were, in that sense, remote worship sites directed at heaven. I will discuss in the "Paradise" section how conceiving of paradise in heaven represents a secondary development. It appeared that remotely worshipping people through otoboshi contained yet another distinct cause. The ancient custom of believing in wandering spirits' adherence seemed to have transformed into worshiping deities through specific human personas. In modern times, Ryukyuan customs of venerating priestesses appeared neither to regard them as deities themselves nor to worship spirits attached to them but rather to perceive gods through these women as intermediaries.

It was not known when incense burners first came to be utilized in Ryukyuan Shinto.
However, once they came to consider incense burners as indicators of divine presence, the original otoboshi faith came to be freely practiced.
Female travelers or those migrating to other lands would invariably take with them a portioned incense burner.
Moreover, it remains clear even today that they do not worship the incense burner itself but rather consider it a means to remotely venerate their home deities through it.
Furthermore, they would set up an incense burner for travelers and, through that incense burner, even worship that person’s spirit.
Therefore, it was hardly surprising that entire villages would establish utaki worship sites to venerate the deities of their original homeland prior to migration.
For example, in the Yaeyama Islands formed by migrant communities, within Miyara Village originating from Kohama Island, they established an otoboshi site called Kohama Ohon—a utaki-like worship ground—while in Shiraho Village, they constructed Hateruma Ohon to remotely venerate their ancestral home of Hateruma Island.
More recently, migrant workers from Yonaguni Island who settled within the Shika region established a small Yonaguni Ohon.

In this manner, while the concept of otoboshi gave rise to various forms of faith and in some cases combined with existing beliefs to create new styles, ultimately—emerging from situating the paradise to be discussed next on a nearby offshore island—the religious organization expanded, the nature of deities became elevated, and even utaki worship sites for remotely venerating heaven came into existence.
Therefore, utaki came to serve both as remote worship sites and as places said to be where deities descend.

III. Spirit

Spirits were collectively termed *mabui*.
This derived from *maburi*.
That is, the guardian spirits of humans were considered to exist externally while adhering to multiple bodies.
Many spirits born from such concepts were thought to maintain an inseparable yet detached relationship with the body, capable of freely separating and departing.
Therefore, when a person died, they performed the ritual called *mabui-wakashi*—the release of the flesh-bound spirit.
Moreover, it was believed that startling caused soul loss; thus they conducted *mabui-kome*—a method to reintegrate it into the body.

Generally speaking, the significance of *mabui* could be divided into two aspects.
That is to say: one aspect constituted the fundamental force of life—if tentatively named, it might be termed the “life-sustaining spirit”—and the other, viewed from the perspective of causing afflictions, comprised the *ichimabui* (living spirit) and *shinimabui* (dead spirit).
In early modern Japan, when considered academically, there were instances where the soul was conceived as a life-sustaining spirit; however, for the most part, it fell under the terminological categories of dead spirits and living spirits.

However, in ancient times, people clearly conceived of spiritual guardianship; in extreme cases, there were even examples like Ōkuninushi’s three spirits, where the soul’s functions were categorized into specialized branches.

However, in Ryukyu, *mabui* was considered distinct from the soul.
The soul manifested talents and skills; calling a dull-witted person *Butamashinumun* came to mean one without a soul—that is, a person without vitality.
Furthermore, I believe that examples of using the term *tama* to refer to human spirits or spirits of ordinary objects were likely introduced from mainland Japan and did not exist in ancient times.
If one were to forcibly seek a fundamental meaning of *tama* common to both Japan and Ryukyu, it appears there existed a conception involving a kind of firelight.

They called the floating fire kindled by spirits *tamagari* or *tamaagari*—a remnant of faith wherein people recognized spiritual activation through firelight—and that very light itself was likely termed *tama*, a shared lexical element between Japan and Ryukyu.
Therefore, originally, *mabui* manifested as the spiritual fire of guardian spirits but gradually transformed until even spirits themselves came to be expressed through the Japanese term *tama*.
And thus, it is thought that the concept of the soul possessing firelight came to be formed.

In the archaic language of Ryukyu, this guardian spirit was apparently referred to as *suji*, *seji*, *shiji*, and so forth.
In modern times, *suji* or *sujā* had come to mean “human.”
Transforming its meaning, it also came to be used in the sense of ancestors.
From a conventional logical perspective, one could argue that *sujyun*—the etymological root of “to be born”—meant “that which is born from *suji*,” and thus *sujā* had come to signify “human.”
However, considering it from another angle, since the activation of *suji* resulted in human birth, *sujyun*—formed from *suji* as its root—could also be viewed as having become the verb denoting birth itself.
From this perspective, though *sujyun* was synonymous with “to be born,” it was thought to carry nuances closer to “rejuvenation” or “revival” due to inherent meanings within its etymological root.
As would be discussed later, Osuji no Maae—one of the deities enshrined at the Kikoe-ōgimi’s residence—meant simply “deity,” or more precisely denoted golden *suji* (gold deity), rice deity, or deity of paradise (Nirai Kanai).
Its origin likely stemmed from the realm of spirits or what might be termed divine beings.
When examining *Ryūkyūkoku Shoji Yuraiki* and other texts, one finds divine terms using *suji*, *seji*, and *māsuji* as suffixes.
Prof. Yanagita viewed this *suji* as being one with the ancient Japanese term *itsu* (divine authority), regarding it as a distinct form of faith.

In any case, within modern faith, everything had been translated into the concept of gods, making it impossible to conceive of abstract guardian spirits. However, when tracing back the long-continued forms of divine-human worship, it became clear that such guardian spirits had indeed been conceived.

In Okinawa, forms such as sister-deities, priestess-deities, parent-deities, and male-deities had been preserved.

*Omoro Sōshi* Volume 22, in *Teganemaru Fushi*:

Kikoe Ōgimi

Obutsu, seji, descend here.

*Anji, osoi yomi mabute*

There is a song that goes:
The meaning of this is as follows:

名にひゞく天子がことを言はむ。

Bringing down the *seji* of paradise,

shall watch over and protect the Great Lord.

is roughly the meaning.
Even observing this, it can be considered that *seji* is not a god but a guardian spirit.
Furthermore, as an example of *kuwaiya* cited by Mr. Iha from Kudaka Island, there exists the following.

To Nirai-do, surging forth—

To Nirai Kanai, surging forth—

Noro suji, sendō, shōure

Lord’s suji, sendō, shōure

The lord’s *suji*, divine attendants—worship.

*Shūga Osuji*, divine attendants—worship.

The meaning of this is:

If they have pushed forth the great ship to cross to Nirai Kanai,

O *suji* of the priestess who prays upon this ship, *sendō*, *shimase*.

O *suji* of the Son of Heaven, helmsman, *shimase*.

"I shall thus worship and welcome the female lord’s *suji*."

"I shall worship and welcome the Son of Heaven’s *osuji*."

This likely meant that through worshipping priestesses and monarchs, one came to venerate their respective *suji*, and from ancient times no clear distinction had been established between this *suji* and those people who bore *suji*.
Ultimately, even the ancient Japanese term *Akitsukami* regarded the Son of Heaven possessing *suji* as being *suji* itself.
That is, the lord became one with *osuji*.
However, in *Akitsukami*'s case, the fact that their *suji* were rendered as deities to such an extent demonstrated how Japan’s soul beliefs had already undergone transformation long ago.

IV Paradise

In Ryukyuan Shinto, what serves as the Pure Land is the Paradise across the sea, Nirai Kanai. And the presiding deity of that place is called Agarui no Ōkami. After Yoshinao Ōyako was bitten by a sea turtle and died, there was a voice in the sky, and a divine oracle declared that he had gone to Nirai Kanai. Moreover, Yoshinao Ōyako’s corpse had indeed undergone corpse liberation. This story appears to contain an implication of Nirai Kanai being both a paradise and a realm "beyond the sea." (From Prof. Yanagita’s lecture at the Kokugakuin University Local Studies Society)

From ancient texts and traditions, Paradise was regarded as a place where gods and chosen people dwelled.
When the barley awns emerged in June, it was believed that swarms of fleas rode upon barley ears and came from Nirai Kanai.
This was because in the Ryukyu region, where flea infestations were severe, people feared their arrival.
They conceived of Nirai Kanai as both a blessed realm and a cursed land—a single locus serving as paradise and hell—and upheld faith in the coexistence of deities and malevolent spirits.

Nirai was most commonly pronounced as *nirai*, *niraya*, *niree*, or *neraya*, and was rarely referred to as *girai* or *kerai*. Kawachi was sometimes written as *kanai*, *kanaya*, or *kaneya*. In the Kunigami region, people still remembered that Nirai carried the meaning of “sea.” In the *Omoro* of the Kaijin-sai festival in Shamegusuku (Ōgimi Village), there existed a passage: “Neraya-ju [tide] swells full, minato-ju [harbor] brims full…”, which appeared to reject matters of the open sea. The Kerama Islands—located thirty nautical miles offshore from Naha—were also thought to signify distant islands in the ocean’s expanse. Might *kanai* not denote coastal areas opposite open waters—that is to say, beachfront regions? Numerous examples exist where *kana* or *kane* represent littoral zones. Could it then be that antithetical phrases—“from open seas” and “from shores”—merged linguistically into a single concept describing deities’ distant paradise? From this Nirai Kanai realm people believed gods crossed over at appointed times—deities they called Niree Kaminashi.

In Sakishima, people regarded Nīrukanai as the bottom of the earth, assigning the characters for "two colors" to nīru [in Nīrukanai]. Around June and July each year, a belief was practiced in the three islands of Kohama, Aragusuku, and Komi—centered on Yaeyama—that Two-Colored People emerged from Nīrukanai on zodiac days determined by noro priestesses. In Miyara Village on Ishigaki Island, there was a cave called Nabindzū from which these Two-Colored People were said to appear during festivals.

This festival served as a rite of passage for boys into adulthood, where in ancient times the Two-Colored People reportedly posed challenges to the youths and made them dance. They were called Two-Colored People because these Nīrubito wore red and black garments, though other islands used no fixed colors. Nowadays people consider them to be People of the Abyss. The Okinawan language contained many elements originating from divine utterances and epics transmitted by reciters—much like Japanese. Therefore, Nirai Kanai—formed as an antithetical pair—could also be considered one such example.

In the islands of Kagoshima Prefecture north of Okinawa Main Island—namely the Amami Islands—and extending to Iheya Island, they referred to their Pure Land as Naruko Country and Teruko Country.
They called the deities that came from there Naruko-gami and Teruko-gami (or Chiriko-gami).
Naruko was, needless to say, a term belonging to the nirai lineage.
This Iheya Island appeared to be a locus consolidating the traditions of northern and southern islands; like the Okinawa Main Island vicinity, [they] believed in Nirai Kanai and invoked both the names of Nirai-gami and Kanae no Kimimasha alongside Naruko-gami and Teruko-gami.
Not only that, but even the names Maya no Kami and Ichiki no Kami were assigned to the gods who crossed over from the aforementioned sea.

Maya no Kami was a deity who walked from household to household bestowing blessings during the Hori Festival held around June on Ishigaki Island, accompanied by Tomo Maya no Kami.
Of course, it was the village youths who disguised themselves as this deity, but the villagers believed they were the deity itself.
In Teshikaga, Angamaa came during the four days of the Bon festival.
Originally, they had wrapped their faces with banana leaves, but now this was no longer permitted, so they used thin cloth instead.
There were also groups of the deceased led by Ushumei (Oshumai), the god of old men, and Atsupaa, the goddess of old women.
All of these belonged to the same lineage and were said to come from the afterlife.
In some regions, *goshō*—the term for afterlife—was used to mean “grave.”
The origins of Maya no Kami remained unclear.
Maya carried the meaning of “cat,” but here it did not appear to be that and was likely a place name.
This faith extended to Taiwan, where a legend existed among the Ali Mountain indigenous tribe stating that they had emerged from Bakubaku Waka’a Mountain or Bakubaku Mountain, split apart, and one group had journeyed to the land of Maya; thus, even in southern Ryukyu, Maya was likely regarded as paradise.

Naruko and Teruko were northern appellations characteristic of the Amami Islands style, while Maya and Ichiki were southern names in the Sakishima tradition. What proved even more remarkable was how these migratory deities were sometimes called Amami-gami depending on context. Amami derived unmistakably from the names Amamikyo and Shinerikyo—the dual creator deities who might be termed the Izanagi and Izanami of Ryukyu. Though said to have arrived along Okinawa Main Island’s eastern coast near Kudaka, Chinen, and Tamagusuku, their names still appeared to carry connotations of the Pure Land. The suffixes gyo, kyō, and kyū marked deities originating from humans, while Amami and Shineri denoted divine realms. The name’s origin was sought in an actual island, likely giving birth to the designation Amami Ōshima. Not only did Shineri show connections to Girai/Jirai, but within the ama of Amami one detected maritime significance comparable to that of Girai.

It was absolutely impossible to arrive at a rational interpretation.
To consider that a people from Amami Ōshima in the north accomplished Okinawa's founding was an attitude that uncritically inherited the mythological historical perspective of ancient times.
Amami/Shineri were likely nothing more than idealized realms of faith, just like Nirai/Kanai and Naruko/Teruko.
The terms *maya* and *ichiki* might invite differing explanations through homophonic associations, but they too likely corresponded to Nirai Kanai in southern contexts.
The names of Paradise's principal deities contained connotations of "east."
In the Eastern Sea, one could discern the sentiments of Okinawa Main Island's people who had envisioned Paradise.

Additionally, there appears to have been yet another name for Paradise: Obotsukagura.
The *Konkōken-shū* states: “They speak of heavenly matters.
“All are recorded in the Shuri Royal Government’s Kamigami Ofuda-gami.”
Amaguri—where the Heavenly Emperor (Sun Deity) resides—is also said to be the origin place of Amamikyo and Shinerikyo.
However, upon examining phrases such as *“…Desiring rain, desiring water—to Obotsu-dōchi, to Kagura-dōchi; Niruya-seji, Kanaya-seji; ascend to Makyo, ascend to Kuta…”*, one can largely infer the etymology of this term.

There were innumerable tales of transcending mortal form to ascend to heaven.
This belief arose from the notion that only chosen individuals were permitted entry into Nirai Kanai.
While cases like Yoshinao Ōyako existed, this generally pertained to divine attendants.
In regions specific to noro priestesses, bone-washing was sometimes omitted; even where practiced, the principle generally followed was not to place their bone urns alongside family members'—a distinction made between those who achieved ascension through corpse liberation and those who did not. It was believed that violating this would prevent divine attendants from ascending, thereby inviting curses.
This matter had been similarly recorded in literature from our mainland.

5. Deities

The deities of Ryukyu were divided into Heavenly Deities and Sea Deities. Documents related to these included Ryukyu Shinto-ki and Kyūyō. The Chinese translation of Kyūyō was known as Chūzan Seikan.

The deity enshrined by the Ryukyuan royal family was called Kimimasha. Masha served as an honorific title for venerated beings. When rendered in proper grammatical form, this would become Mashagimi. The most significant difference between Ryukyuan deities and those of mainland Japan lay in how Ryukyuan deities periodically manifested themselves. This manifestation was termed "new descent" (arafuri). According to Kyūyō's theory, Kimimasha comprised two categories—Heavenly Deities and Sea Deities—into which various gods were classified. Among these deities were those that appeared once yearly, others manifesting once every thirty years, and still others emerging multiple times within a single year.

The most prominent among them was Yonabaru no Mioyadairi (Mikōji, Honorable Public Ritual), as recorded in Chūzan Seikan. This deity was enshrined within Ryukyu's royal mausoleum. The nation's foremost priestess conducted its rituals. Each royal succession saw the establishment of a new Kikoe-ōgimi. When the Kikoe-ōgimi journeyed from Shuri to Yonabaru on the coast approximately one ri away, Yonabaru no Mioyadairi's deity manifested itself. Mioyadairi served this deity, performing rituals that recognized its divine nature during festival observances.

The deity that appeared every year at the height of summer was called Kimitesuri.
This deity governed official appointments and appeared in Fui do located in Okinawa Main Island’s northern region.
When this deity manifested，a divine canopy descended upon this utaki，with another descending at nearby Nakijin.
This canopy was called ransan.
Resembling a ceremonial baldachin，people believed erecting it caused deities to manifest within its shade.
Words uttered during ransan’s descent—called amafuri or afori—were known as omoro.
Prof.Yanagita posited amafuri and omoro constituted identical concepts.
This omoro spread naturally—transmitted first to Shuri’s royal court，then disseminated regionally.
Thus，in regional priests’ households，it endured through generations，carefully preserved.

When considering this, it became evident that where sun worship existed, canopies were an indispensable element.
The paramount deities of Ryukyu were called *Ochidaganashi*, abbreviated as *Chida*.
In Taiwan existed a solar deity named Misachida.
The canopy concept seemed to unite two beliefs: one stemming from faith in the moon wearing a halo, another from avoiding direct exposure to august deities.

Matters pertaining to Ryukyuan female officials—from queens and lower-ranking court women to priests—were documented in the *Nyokan Ofuda-gami*.
Among priestly titles existed those in Nakijin referred to as Afuriae.
In another region was one called Sasukasa no Aji.
Aji denoted an ason (court noble).
Arafuri corresponded to Oransan, with theories positing Sasukasa likewise signified a shading canopy.
The canopy was ultimately erected in the royal courtyard where Oransan performed over thirty dances before the king and assembled ministers gathered to observe.
Thus humans assumed divine guises—during which all recognized these impersonators’ sacred status, while the performers themselves acted under conviction of temporary divinity.

In Chinen of Shimajiri District, there was once a person called Ufujichū (Great Shrine).
Chūto referred to testicles, and ufuji meant "large."
The child of this person was also a great hero.
When they opened the coffin lid after Ufujichū’s death, the corpse had disappeared, leaving only brushwood leaves behind.
This was said to be an ascension.
According to the *Ryukyu Shinto-ki*, this person did not appear to have been an actual historical figure but rather a sea deity.
This sea deity possessed large testicles and carried them on his shoulders as he walked.
It was said he had since gone to the area of Kunigami District.
For some reason, this proved a matter difficult to explain.
The descendants of this sea deity continued to exist, forming a community.

Among the deities officially recognized by the Shuri Dynasty existed a peculiar deity. These deities fundamentally split into those descending from heaven and those emerging from the sea, though this categorization remained unobserved in the Sakishima region. While rooted in folk beliefs, this classification showed slight variations according to each island's perspective. In Ryukyu, alongside sun worship persisted nature veneration in its primal form. Thus places deemed fearsome, sites steeped in antiquity, and locations bearing historical significance invariably became utaki. Even one's own ancestors inevitably transformed into deities by the seventh generation. *Chūzan Seikan* recorded this as "seven-generation deification." This refers to the concept that ancestors became deities in the seventh generation following death.

In former times, when someone died, they would throw the corpse into a large cave, seal the cave’s entrance with stones, and mortar the gaps between the rocks. However, as this custom gradually transformed into one of constructing sturdy and elaborate tombs, many people came to lose their wealth by building such graves.
After seven generations passed, they no longer placed corpses in that cave, instead designating it as a kami-baka (divine tomb) and establishing a new burial site elsewhere.
Kami-baka became worship sites.
This worship site was called *ogan*.
As time passed, other people also came to worship.
This worship site became a fearsome place.
When they occasionally excavated worship sites, white bones emerged.
These were referred to as bone spirits.

The deities manifesting within Ryukyuan Shinto remain fundamentally pantheistic in nature.
Terrifying creatures such as habu snakes were revered as mountain deities or viper-like entities at mountain entrances, while sea turtles and dugongs—also called mermaids—retained clear divine attributes.
All local produce and ordinary objects were believed to harbor spirits; even now across the islands, new deities periodically emerge from these phenomena.

Among these manifestations, those deemed most significant included well deities, household deities, five-grain deities, sun deities, utaki deities, and bone spirits.
A widespread custom viewed stones as divine symbols—in Dō no Shima region, sacred stones received honorific titles like “ibiganashi” [deity].
The term *bijuru* for these sacred stones likewise derives from the root *ibi*, reflecting Ryukyuan Shinto’s profound attribution of divinity to mineral forms; countless deities were believed to have petrified into stones shaped like living creatures.
The objects enshrined above wells as water deities invariably took the form of unusually shaped stalactites.
These were also termed *mobijuru*.
Though some posit *bijuru* denotes sea deities, this interpretation remains dubious.
Household worship centered on the fire deity.
This entity too found representation through three stones arranged linearly or in tripod formations.
In priestess residences and ancestral homes, these stones occupied plastered hearth-like niches discreetly positioned in main chambers’ corners.
Common households typically aligned three stones along kitchen walls behind cooking hearths, their tops piled with salt and rice offerings.
The fire deity’s altar—invariably a hearth—was thought to safeguard entire dwellings.
No house lacked this deity; indeed shrine-like structures often appeared wholly dedicated to its veneration.
Whether in priestesses’ Norodunchi halls, clan-head residences like Nedokoro no Tono, worship-site pavilions, or ritual spaces called kami-ashage—the fire deity’s presence proved ubiquitous.
Yet crucially, no structures were originally built specifically for this deity; rather its worship became incorporated into preexisting buildings over time—a development leading people to perceive it as each household’s tutelary god.

The name "fire deity" was referred to as *Ofuro no Omae* ("Before the Sacred Hearth") within the shrine-like houses where high-ranking priestesses resided—namely, the halls of Kikoe-ōgimi Goten and Sanhedō’s *Ōamushirare*.

The enshrined deities at Kikoe-ōgimi Goten—which could be called the royal mausoleum of the Shō Dynasty—and at Hyakurazoe of the former royal palace’s main hall were equally the Sacred Presences of the Sun, Moon, and Hearth (according to the *Yuraiki*). However, court ladies’ records such as the *Onna Sōshi* state that there were three deities: the Sacred Presence of Lineage, the Sacred Presence of the Hearth, and the Golden Beautiful Sacred Presence of Lineage.
Mr. Iha Fuyū explains that the Sacred Presence of Lineage represented ancestral spirits, the Sacred Presence of the Hearth represented the fire deity, and the Golden Beautiful Sacred Presence of Lineage represented the metal deity.
While there was no doubt about the former two, there was a suggestion [hinted at in a lecture by Mr. Shigesaburō Ogino] that the Golden Beautiful Sacred Presence of Lineage might refer to metal objects cast with celestial bodies such as the sun, moon, and stars.
However, interpreting the term literally, *kane* was a conventional expression in *omoro* and *otakabe* to bless the firmness of grains, and it was also referred to as “the fruit of *kane*.”
The interpretation of “mi” in *miosuji*—whether it signified “fruit” (実) or served as an honorific prefix (御)—remained unclear, but in either case, it should have been understood as a deity of grain.
Alternatively, if one trusted the *Yuraiki*, given that there were precedents in various countries of the moon deity being regarded as a deity of grain, it would have seemed possible to consider this in relation to the Sacred Presence of the Moon.

The Sacred Presence of Lineage could be interpreted as having regarded the sun deity—the parent deity of Amamikyo and Shinerikyo, Ryukyu’s primordial yin-yang gods—as an ancestral deity.
The principal deity of Ryukyuan Shinto was the Sacred Presence of the Sun, with sun worship indeed forming its foundation.
The royal title Tenkanashi (or Ochidaganashi, Shuri Chidaganashi) for kings also appeared to originate from viewing monarchs as incarnations of the sun deity—or in mainland Japan’s archaic terms, as “children of the sun.”

The intensity of ancestor worship surpassed even that of mainland Japanese people, who took pride in considering themselves foremost in national essence.
From the eighth to ninth months of the lunar calendar, clans would send one member per household on pilgrimages called kami-ogami to distant ancestral tombs, historically significant clan lands like Nedokoro, and other sacred sites.
Some households journeyed from Shuri and Naha to Kunigami’s remotest reaches.
This alone could not be considered a refined form of ancestor worship.
Beneath it always lay visible traces of grave-related terrors and an attitude of appeasement toward vengeful spirits.

VI. Sacred Lands

In Ryukyuan Shinto, gods descended to this earthly realm from both the sea and the heavens.
Of course, strictly speaking, no clear distinction could be made; nevertheless, these two conceptions appeared to coexist.
Instances where deities were perceived to descend from the sky were referred to as *afuri*, *aori*, *amori*, and similar terms.
All shared a single etymological origin with *amakudari* (descent from heaven).
In areas with mountains or hills, their descent followed ancient customs; however, it was not uncommon for them to descend upon flatlands as well.
In such cases, they were understood to descend through tall arboreal trees.
The Livistona (birō) tree came to be considered sacred largely because it was seen as possessing *afuri*.
The Livistona tree became the center of utaki—sites deemed most sacred—and the prevalence of utaki bearing names like Kuba, Kobō, or Kubō even without direct arboreal association stemmed from this belief.

The utaki was a place believed to be a site of divine manifestation, strictly excluding ordinary people—particularly men—except when kaminchu entered during festivals.
The deity would at times manifest a parasol here and descend beneath it.
During the Shuri Dynasty era, only a strictly limited number of utaki were officially recognized as parasol-bearing sites.
However, even deities of each magiri's utaki descending beneath parasols represented an archaic practice.
The land containing an utaki was commonly called a "mori."
"Mori" referred to hills.
This name undoubtedly stemmed from the principle that gods descended to high ground.
It had come to share the same essence as mainland sacred groves.

The gods did not permanently reside in the utaki, but since these sites were revered as sacred, people also came to regard them as ever-present.
The deities of mainland Japan's sacred groves similarly had no shrine buildings in antiquity.
Regarding cases like Miwa, scholars citing evidence from songs like "The Palace Gate of Miwa" had begun asserting the existence of shrine structures, though such musical references alone proved insufficient to overturn established theories.
Sacred groves and kamunabi fundamentally lacked built shrines; those possessing such structures derived from household deities or kami who ascended and descended via ladders.
That shrine-enshrined deities coexisted with their shrine-less counterparts remained an incontrovertible fact.
Deities not housed in shrine buildings were likely venerated through rituals resembling those performed at utaki.

In some regions, extremely rarely, there were places where small halls were built within utaki.
These were undoubtedly created out of ritual necessity and were likely not the abodes of the deities themselves.

Utaki fell into two categories: regions where only kaminuchi could enter and areas where women could come and go freely.
This was thought to be because women were recognized as possessing the qualifications to become kaminuchi.
In all regions, men were absolutely prohibited.
Even at Shimajiri no Sefa Utaki, until recent years, one could not enter without learning cross-dressing.

In large utaki there was typically a separate space reserved for song and dance performances.
The Naka no Utaki of Kudaka exemplified this configuration.
However most sites instead had kami-ashage structures for such purposes.

These kami-ashage were frequently called kami-asagi.
This term represented a phonetic shift from kami-asagi.
The nomenclature likely derived from architectural features.
Such buildings were characterized by numerous pillars absence of walls and lack of flooring.
They likely evolved from Tenchi Kongen-gū style constructions—dug-post gasshō structures with ground-reaching roof canopies.
Older variants featured extended beam lengths short crossbeams and heights around three shaku supported by multiple forked posts driven into earth.
This configuration suggested origins in elevated thatched huts.
While common in Kunigami region other areas typically had tiled roofs thin pillars with latticework and single entranceways between columns.
Increased heights eliminated any need for stooping.
Interiors consisted of packed earth with three fire deity stones arranged in hearth-like depressions.
These structures stood distant from Ooyoso Utaki yet proximate to Noro Donchi.
Deities manifested at utaki or arrived from seas prompting welcoming rituals with performances here.
Within these spaces noro priestesses occupied central positions flanked by Negami Okude and other kaminuchi in fixed seating arrangements.
A ritualist called Asubitamoto danced to sacred songs—distinct from Omoro Sōshi verses—chanted by noro practitioners.
Dancing invariably occurred in plazas outside ashage courtyards.
Some buildings bore only ashage designations.
These standalone structures enshrined Nedokoro clan ancestors resembling ordinary residences complete with flooring.

This should properly be called a *Ton* (hall), such as the Nedokoro no Ton and Satonushi-dokoro no Ton found in texts—those would be examples of this.

When it came to what were called *Ton* (or *ton*), there existed various types. There were halls of the aforementioned category and instances where residences like those seen in Noro Donchi—nurudonchi or nundonchi—excluded noro priestesses' dwellings from being designated as such. This nomenclature ultimately derived from their function of enshrining deities; ordinary residences were never termed *Ton*. In Ryukyuan Shinto—which historically prioritized venerating ancient sites—communities invariably erected *Ton* halls at locations bearing historical significance such as castle ruins and former residential compounds. During festivals when noro priestesses and lower-ranking divine attendants conducted their ritual circuits through these sites they paused at each one to perform individual ceremonies.

There were either structures indistinguishable from *Ton* halls and *ashage*, or places of worship where no buildings existed at all. These could be located in the sea, in roadside mounds, or in cliffside caverns. They were collectively termed *Ogami*. The worship site was *Ogami*.

People called puppeteers *chondaraa* and disdained their descendants; similar to this, a group referred to as *nenbutsuchaa*—resembling a special caste—resided in Shuri’s Ishimine. They assisted with funerals and also handled puppets. They called the box that made puppets dance *tera*, but while it resembled the mainland hokora, it entirely differed from a temple.

VII. Sites of Divine Festivals and Spirit Vessels

The focal point for deities was the incense burner.
Just as three fire deities were placed within buildings, incense burners were invariably positioned where gods resided.
Therefore, through the number of incense burners, one could ascertain how many family members had gathered.
In Ryukyu’s pleasure quarters, when tax office officials visited to verify the number of prostitutes (termed “tailed class”), it was said they determined this by counting incense burners placed beside hearths.

Incense burners could not be temporarily repositioned.
Women each invariably owned incense burners.
For women, incense burners were inseparable accompaniments.
Without an incense burner, the presence of deities could not be discerned.
Such was the faith placed in incense burners.
Some took forms resembling jars; others—chipped bowls with worn rims—were splendidly adorned.
Because practitioners believed deities existed where incense burners were present, these objects assumed divine aspects.
Worship sites contained several types of incense burners.
I maintain that *ibi* in Yaeyama refers to incense burners, though senior scholars hold differing opinions.

In Yaeyama, there were three deities in the utaki. Furthermore, there existed those called Kaminaotake and Onibeotake. In Yaeyama alone, they used the terms ibi or ibe, which differed from the ibi and ubu found elsewhere. Ubu referred to the inner [area]. In Okinawa, it was written as 奥武. I could not strictly specify which constituted ibi, but considered it to mean a place within ubu where august deities descended. According to accounts from Yaeyama elders, it was not the ubu of the utaki but rather the incense burner at the gate. Consequently, through their belief in incense burners as deities, they came to refer to the incense burners themselves as ibi. However, even the fire deity had incense burners. Among them were deities consisting solely of incense burners, but ultimately they inherently believed incense burners to be deities. Those incense burners in turn split into multiple parts. Although incense burners split, they did not describe this as splitting but instead used expressions like “having brought the gods from afar.” In other words, those who married into another family or left home for an extended period made incense burners and took them along. The tailed class (prostitutes), following this precedent, each brought incense burners.

In Okinawa, there were remote worship sites.
In Sanhira’s Ōabushirare Donchi—specifically at Haebaru no Hira’s Shuri Donchi, Mawashi’s Makabe Donchi, and Kita’s Gibo Donchi—shrine buildings that served as priestesses’ residences had been established and were enshrined as sites for the deities’ otoboshi.
That is, incense burners were set up from afar to remotely worship the deities of their homeland.
From this act of remote worship, various problems arose.
For example, incense burners existed in the noro’s household and incense burners existed in the utaki.
The noro inserted incense sticks into the household incense burner and went to the utaki.
At times, shrines were built with incense burners at their center.
In Okinawa as well, they had created Benga Utaki to remotely worship Kudaka Island; even within Yaeyama, people from Yonagijima had made Yonagi Ohon, and in Miyara Village—since they had migrated from Kohama Village—they had created Kohama Ohon, each setting up incense burners to serve as remote worship sites.
Furthermore, Shiraho Village’s Hateruma Ohon was another such example.
All of these belonged to the utaki, but on an individual level they were equivalent to how the tailed class placed incense burners by hearths for remote worship.

The enshrinement of clan deities was women’s role. The notion that household women worshipped their family incense burner had become so ingrained that women invariably took this burner when traveling. Men scarcely comprehended this practice, but women secretly preserved these objects. Some households contained numerous incense burners. Among them emerged burners of unexplained origin. There existed two ancient burners said to belong to the house’s founders. When a married daughter died young, the burner she had taken would return. Over years passing thus, burners of obscure provenance came into being. In Yaeyama, burner forms had grown quite distinct. Incense burners came in two types: funjin and kanjin (or konjin). Funjin enshrined ancestors after household branching, signifying original deities. Konjin’s designation remained unclear. None but women could even touch kanjin. Offerings made to them consisted solely of what women could eat. This meant only women could make offerings. Kanjin could also be interpreted as women’s leftover provisions. Women took kanjin when marrying into families. And Buddhist altars remained separate. While men too could worship funjin, kanjin were women’s exclusive property.

In Okinawa Mainland, even when households brought their own incense burners, these were kept in separate locations.
While husbands could perform rites for their household deities, the incense burners brought by brides remained utterly inaccessible to anyone not female.
I suspect konjin may have originated from Negami.

VIII. Various Priestesses

In Ryukyuan mythology, when heaven and earth began, the Sun God sought to create and solidify the lower world, commanding Amamikyo and Shinerikyo to fashion numerous islands. These later became renowned as utaki or sacred forests. The three sons and two daughters born to these two deities became humanity's progenitors. The eldest son was called the progenitor of provincial lords, the second son the progenitor of feudal lords, the third son the progenitor of commoners, the eldest daughter the progenitor of noble priestesses (*kimi*), and the second daughter the progenitor of ritual priestesses (*noro*).

Since *noro* are consistently contrasted with *yuta*, *kimi* are often considered *yuta*'s origin; however, given that men were classified into three social ranks, women too must logically demonstrate a distinction between two groups—upper and lower classes. As seen in court ladies' records, both *kimi* and *noro* were registered under Ryukyu's concept of "female officials," encompassing ordinary court ladies like queens and concubines alongside priestly roles such as the Kikoe-ōgimi, Sashikasa Anji of Shimajiri, and Aoriē Anji of Kunigami. The term *kimi* likely excludes not only these three priestly roles but also significant figures like Shuri Sanhira's Ōabushirare and historically important regional priestesses such as Amakanashi (Iheya Island) and Kimihae (Kume Island). Kimihae (君南風), sharing Nankimi's (南君) postpositive modifying structure, denotes a high-ranking priestess in southern regions. Annually in December, the Kimigami Gyotama Aratame (Jade Bead Inspection of Noble Priestesses) occurred, examining the *tama-kawara* magatama beads worn by Sanhira's Ōabushirare and others, as documented in origin chronicles. Thirty-three *kimi* are recorded in the *Onna-buke Gosōshi* (Court Ladies' Records). The phrase "ancestors of the *kimi* and ancestors of the *noro*" explains priestesses' origins; it is posited that their hierarchy derived from their ancestral lines' birth order.

Among female officials, second only to the queen and holding the highest rank among priestesses, the Kikoe-ōgimi was historically selected from virgins of the royal family and held a position superior to that of the queen until the seating order was altered in 1667 during Emperor Reigen’s reign. The practice of royal widows becoming Kikoe-ōgimi was also thought to date back to ancient times. In early Ryukyuan Shinto, priestesses were likely not permitted to have husbands, but gradual changes allowed those who did not appear to have taken multiple spouses. The appointment of regional chieftains’ wives as Ōama and noro similarly appeared rooted in antiquity. Even if only formally, Kunigami priestesses still maintained celibacy as a principle: Nakijin’s Aoriē remained unmarried, while the Hendo noro ostensibly remained single yet raised an illegitimate child. The belief in noro’s husbands meeting premature deaths remained strong in Kunigami—a conviction they attributed to having incurred divine wrath. This likely stemmed from Kunigami preserving Northern Mountain-period Shinto traditions that differed in character from Central and Southern Mountain variants. On Kudaka Island existed a custom where brides would evade grooms at night while assisting with daytime tasks. The nocturnal groom-led search party—halted in their pursuit—was termed *sōmusume-sagashi* ("immediate bride-searching"). Two noro currently resided on the island, one elderly woman renowned for having evaded her groom over seventy days.

The Kikoe-ōgimi held equivalent significance to Japan's Saigū and Saien institutions, with her residence—the Kikoe-ōgimi Palace—taking on a form resembling the headquarters of Ryukyuan Shinto.
That this Ryukyuan Saio existed above the queen constituted the foundational ancient custom that gave rise to numerous old legends in Ryukyu—stories of priestesses and their brothers who served as provincial lords or island masters.

Choral Chants Sung During Weddings on Kudaka Island

The Female Deity Hall is the Kimi’s love (?).
The Male Deity Hall is Shuri-den’s affection (?).

This phrase signified that the groom—this island man—would be loved by the king.
This woman as the bride would be loved by the Kikoe-ōgimi—this was likely the intended meaning.
Even in folk traditions, people regarded the king and the Kikoe-ōgimi as paired entities.

The three historical kingdoms that once divided Okinawa Mainland—Northern Mountain, Southern Mountain, and Central Mountain—each possessed Shinto traditions marked by broad similarities yet minor variations: Central Mountain had the Kikoe-ōgimi, Southern Mountain the Sashikasa Anji, and Northern Mountain the Aoriē Anji as their supreme priestesses—a framework both Prof. Yanagita and Mr. Iha have articulated. They established what could be called proxies of these three priestesses at Shuri Sanhira plateau. At Nankō no Hira (South Wind Plateau), they established Shuri Donnai; at Mawashi no Hira (Mawashi Plateau), Makabe Donnai; and at Kita no Hira (North Plateau), Gibo Donnai—residential shrines for priestesses—gathering these on three plateaus to form the spiritual center for the Three Mountain lords. Moreover, in each Donnai, they enshrined the same deities as those worshipped at the Kikoe-ōgimi Palace. All these Donnai were likely established as remote worship sites for the principal deities of the Three Mountains. Within the three Donnai, they established the Makabe Ōabushirare, Shuri Ōabushirare, and Gibo Ōabushirare. Moreover, as an official position, the Kikoe-ōgimi was established. Beneath the three Ōabushirare were affiliated the priestesses of their respective regions. Sashikasa and Aoriē naturally became detached due to their actual power. However, this too should not be viewed as originally separate entities being unified; rather, it is more accurate to see them as branches of the same root undergoing syncretism once again.

Beneath the three Donnai of Sanhira were affiliated the magiri (now villages), villages (now aza), kimi, and noro priestesses.
Noro priestesses were honorifically referred to as *norokumoi*.
*Kumoi* was written with the characters for “clouds above.”
Like Uyakumoi (親雲上) and others, [the term] likely conveyed respect toward officials.
During the royal dynasty period, they had been granted official lands and retained the substance of lower-ranking court ladies.
Each magiri had one or more noro priestesses who commanded numerous divine attendants (women).
Since it had been a principle that all women possessed qualification to become divine attendants, concepts like the Kudaka Island wedding chants emerged.
From the Kikoe-ōgimi at the apex down to the village-level divine attendants, all were threaded through by a single strand—this constituted the structure of Ryukyuan priestess religion.
The noro served the gods of utaki and ubusuku—earthly and myriad deities.
Furthermore, they served the fire deity—the household god enshrined within their own noro denai.
Furthermore, in village-wide rituals, they took central roles in conducting ceremonies.
They also participated in Magiri and village Nejo festivals.

The term *Nejo* referred to the main house of a clan, which might cluster in particular areas or scatter across various regions. These Nejo would have originally constituted the local powerful clans of their respective regions. Within each Nejo stood halls or ashage dedicated to ancestors, where it was customary to place ancestral tablets on Buddhist-style shelves. This enshrined deity constituted the clan deity. In standard terminology, this would correspond to what is called a clan deity. Those clan members who revered the deity of a single Nejo were termed Nejin (neinchyu = ninchyu = nitsuchyu). However, it frequently occurred that only the Nejo's head was specifically designated as Nejin. This was a man who maintained crucial ritual responsibilities, with figures called Seto-no-kami or Ōseto serving as male shamans within the priestess-centered Shinto framework. The term *Nejinbara* (written with the same characters as 原) unambiguously conveyed the notion of clan members and ritual devotees.

Women who served clan deities were also called clan deities themselves. The correct term was *Negami Okude* (or *Ukudei*). However, Ryukyuan Shinto made no distinction between certain deities and their exclusively affiliated priestesses—the latter were addressed directly by divine names rather than functional titles. This term could not be considered an abbreviation of *Negami Okude*. Linguistically, *o-kude* derived from roots like *kude* and *kode*, translating to “spirit-medium priestess.” In antiquity, priestesses were likely selected from daughters of aristocratic clans associated with Nejo sites, much like the Kikoe-ōgimi; however, Mr. Iha noted in *Ryukyuan Women’s History* that modern practice involved choosing two women from Nejinbara lineages—one serving the clan deity’s yang aspect as a “male (deity) spirit-medium priestess,” and another serving its yin aspect as a “female (deity) spirit-medium priestess.” Local communities did not strictly observe this framework in practice. Because clan deities mediated through Negami Okude held significant influence within their kinship groups, these deities wielded authority surpassing even that of noro priestesses in villages dominated by single clans. Though formally subordinate to noro jurisdiction, this very dynamic bred frequent discord between them. Yet during village rituals, they set aside their disputes to collaborate seamlessly. Each Nejo also functioned as a worship site for noro; meanwhile, Negami priestesses participated in ceremonies beyond their clan sites and occupied secondary positions beneath noro during rituals due to their dual role as village-level divine attendants.

Those who based their observations on ancestor worship being the ancient framework of Ryukyuan Shinto tended to view the noro priestesses as entities born of policy considerations.
However, the cause behind the formalization of ancestor worship could be seen from two perspectives: its darker aspect lay in fear of vengeful spirits, while its brighter aspect originated in the natural form accompanying the priestess religion—specifically, in the deities who impregnated priestesses and in the conceptualization of divinity within priestesses themselves.
While the protection of noro priestesses as local lower-ranking court ladies might have stemmed from policy—and though the noro were more recent than clan deities—ancestor worship, which held significant influence in Ryukyuan religious thought, was not regarded as the root of Ryukyuan Shinto.

In mainland Shinto as well, the distinction between *ubusuna* deities and clan deities could only be rationally explained through etymology; however, in post-second period Shinto, it appeared that the divine attendants who enshrined so-called *ubusuna* deities and those who served clan deities stood in opposition.
Strictly speaking, even the Izumo Kokuzo had not been enshrining clan deities.
The noro might be said to be—as it were—the shrine-priests of *ubusuna* deities.

The issue of noro priestesses and clan deities leads us to the source of yuta (yunta/yota).
Mr. Iha appeared to entertain two lines of conjecture: first, that *yunta*—given its terminological association with “speaking”—referred to those who delivered divine oracles; and second, that in Yaeyama where *yunta* meant “song,” it denoted those who chanted oracular formulae.
Mr. Sakishima Kōei had posited that yuta likely predated noro priestesses (Nantō Danwakai).
I imagined whether there might be a connection between the court ladies appearing in the *Onna Kan Goshōshi*—those who always led the way during the king’s processions to the lower kitchen or other imperial visits—and the Yota no Amushirare.
Though circumstances differed, in our country it had always been the Great Priestess who led processions for imperial rituals.
In a kingdom where *kimi-masha* would appear to halt royal processions during ill omens, they selected female officials accompanying these processions—those endowed with prescient abilities—to divine auspicious dates and times. This practice might have given rise to terms like *Tokiyuta*, though much doubt remained regarding its differentiation from *Yota* (branch). Nevertheless, this perspective demanded examination.
Could the duties of Yota no Amushirare—no longer transmitted today—when practiced locally have become yuta sorcery?
Might “yuta divine attendants” have derived etymologically from a divergent path straying from the legitimate duties of noro priestesses and clan deities?
From this perspective, Yota no Amushirare could also signify court ladies who engaged in ritual-branching duties.

According to Mr. Nishime Matsuzō—husband of the Kudaka Noro priestess from Kudaka Island—"The Negami perform rituals resembling *shunkuri*." This term remained unintelligible even to my fellow researcher Mr. Kawahira Chōrei, though Mr. Tōnōn Hiroatsu proposed it might derive phonetically from a term like *sōkukuri* ("comprehensive binding"). Many lexical items from Kudaka Island prove obscure even to Okinawa Mainland residents. From Mr. Nishime's contextual remarks—implying the Negami conduct duties analogous to mainland yuta practitioners—I retain reservations. It strikes me that these practices share roots with the *shyongamii* rituals Prof. Yanagita documented in Ōshima (per his *Hainan Minor Records*), which concern men performing yuta-like functions. Might not the Negami—being more deeply enmeshed with villagers than noro priestesses—have managed not only life-cycle rituals but also divination and spirit pacification, thereby spawning the specialized role of yuta divine attendants? In Okinawa Prefecture, while noro escape active persecution though lacking formal protection, yuta maintain formidable influence among women despite official disregard—proclaiming ancestral messages and draining finances through feng shui consultations (assessing gravesites, dwellings, and village layouts, chiefly by Kume Village practitioners). Those sites handling ancestral tombs or spirit guardianship appear to me as fragments of Negami duties grown autonomous. Fundamentally, Ryukyuan Shinto contains within itself the very conditions enabling yuta's endless proliferation—an issue inextricable from its divine attendants.

In a broad sense, the term *divine attendants* encompassed even noro priestesses and clan deities; however, ordinarily, it referred to women from villages who were chosen to participate in rituals under noro guidance.
Almost all were women, with only two or three men added—the Nejin and those called Seto who might be considered caretakers.
There were two paths to becoming divine attendants: hereditary positions and regions where one underwent an examination.
From the perspective of origin, the latter actually appeared to be the older custom.
Generally, divine attendants were inherited from mother to daughter.
Therefore, these mysterious rituals remained unwritten as they were transmitted orally between village divine attendants.
Even husbands and children never knew what duties their own wives or mothers performed as divine attendants.
Roles were clearly assigned among them—those with weightier responsibilities impersonated specific deities while lighter roles oversaw music and dance.
Each received its own divine name.
Names included Yama-no-Kami (Mountain Deity), Iso-no-Kami (Shore Deity), Saifua (likely referring to Sefa Utaki) Deity, and Niree Deity.
Additionally during rituals they were called by names like Asobi-gami and Tamutsu-gami.
Among these distinctions they were categorized by yin-yang attributes—one being *Uikii-gami* (male deity) another *Onai-gami* (female deity).
Human names and divine titles became hopelessly entangled no matter which noro priestess one consulted.

Indeed, when examining documents preserved at various noro residences, the manner of writing remained unclear as to whether they recorded the divine attendants’ everyday names or their ritual pseudonyms.
What proved particularly perplexing was that in instances where they collectively wrote “seven or eight people,” they alternated between notations like “seven or eight people” and “seven deities or eight deities.”
There were also types of records where they wrote neither real names nor divine names, instead noting “[Such-and-Such] Village Deity” and annotating the annual rice yield.
One found entries like “wife of so-and-so from such-and-such village,” “mother of so-and-so from such-and-such village,” while notations such as “*Ichine-gami* from such-and-such village,” “*Saiha-gami* from such-and-such village,” and “*Tonaigami* from such-and-such village” also appeared.
The divine attendants themselves did not distinguish between deities and humans; thus, during rituals, they at least seemed to feel themselves as deities.
Such feelings even persisted into daily life.
The selection of divine attendants was conducted by the noro priestesses and Negami. In cases involving an only child, no issues arose; however, when there were numerous sisters or many female relatives from whom to choose, they sometimes resorted to an unorthodox approach by having a yuta perform divination. Yet typically, it was through sudden afflictions like illness that individuals came to realize they had been chosen by the deities as the next-generation noro.

However, there were so many ordinary divine attendants that their selection could not be left to such chance.
Therefore, a selection examination was conducted.
By and large, the Izaihō ritual still performed on Kudaka Island today likely preserved its ancient form to a considerable degree.
Women undergoing Izaihō ranged from those in their mid-twenties—around twenty-six or twenty-seven—up to those in their early forties at forty-three or forty-four years old.
Every Horse year, they alternated with divine attendants who had served until their third term.
Once every thirteen years, from August 1st to 3rd of that year, participants crossed a low bridge—constructed with seven beams and seven planks—in sequence across the open space before Kami-ashiyage, referred to as either Tonniwa or Asagi-niwa, thereby entering the ashiyage.
This was called the Seven Bridges.
All who completed this ritual became divine attendants; however, it was believed that if a woman who had committed adultery was among them, she would fall from that low bridge laid over the grass and die.
And the divine name for those newly becoming divine attendants was Izai-gami; when they completed serving this for a certain period, they entered the phase of Tamutsu-gami.
This appeared to be further divided into two periods, and having completed their term as Tamutsu-gami, they could not leave their role as divine attendants until surpassing sixty years of age.
Mr. Nishime stated that the term ended at seventy.
This Izaihō shared the same significance as Takuma’s Pot Festival in mainland Japan; contrary to what Kudaka people today considered—that it was a test of chastity—it fundamentally pertained to being a woman who had not been seen with two husbands, which constituted the primary qualification for divine attendants in Ryukyuan Shinto.
In other regions today, they no longer underwent such rigorous ceremonies.

The current Kudaka Noro had been, in the spring of 1921, the wife of Mr. Nishime—son of the previous Kudaka Noro—who succeeded her mother-in-law’s position. Until then, she had remained one of the divine attendants as Tamutsu-gami. This bride noro system was unprecedented on Kudaka Island, though it had long existed in some areas of Okinawa Mainland. This arose from concerns that a daughter noro might take ritual lands with her unchanged when marrying into another household.

9. The Issue of Ancestral Treatment

Deification after seven generations referred to the belief that when seven generations had passed after a person’s death, the deceased became a deity.
This divided into the ranks of father deities (Uikii-gami) and mother deities (Omenai-gami).
In other words, if one considered the newest household, that household possessed no deity.
This was called the new main family.
Houses older than that were termed *Nakamūto*, and among them, the main family of main families was called *Ōsōke*.
In Yaeyama, people enshrined the fire deity in new buildings.
At times, cases existed where a Negami presided above both father and mother deities.
However, both Omenai-gami and Uikii-gami were themselves Negami.
Therefore, there existed a Negami Okude who oversaw both Uikii Okude and Omenai Okude.
That is, the Negami Okude was the wife of the head family.
This wife became the guide and embarked on ancestral pilgrimages.
This practice had now come to resemble a form of sightseeing excursion.
(As true sacred objects, Okinawa Mainland erected bronze mirrors—a practice Yaeyama rejected.)

Every year during favorable seasons, led by the wife of the head family, they toured numerous worship sites while praying.
In the Ryukyu Islands, places associated with deities were mostly connected to these people, so they toured each one by one.
They toured and prayed at all tombs with even the slightest relation, leaving none unvisited.
Therefore, based on differences in proximity, the frequency of their worship became established.
Furthermore, depending on the closeness of blood relations, the frequency of worship became established.
In addition, according to the yuta’s instructions, they visited and prayed at various places.
Because Ryukyuan women were deeply superstitious, they worshiped at every place they visited.
Thus, the practices of Western Pilgrimage and Eastern Pilgrimage came into being.
This was akin to Western Pilgrimage and Eastern Pilgrimage.
After marriage, the number of pilgrimage sites they visited gradually increased.
Pilgrimage was, for them, the greatest undertaking.
They believed that if they did not undertake this pilgrimage, they would incur divine punishment.
The original purpose of pilgrimage had been to fear the retribution of deceased spirits and serve their souls, but this meaning gradually faded until they ultimately became deities.
In ancient times, if they encountered skeletons on the road, they would turn them to face away from their homes.
This was done to prevent the souls from these skeletons from coming toward their homes.
Tombs and such were also strictly guarded.
In ancient times, they placed corpses inside caves and securely sealed the entrances with lime plaster.
Therefore, if one peers through the gaps in the lime plaster of present-day tombs, a great many white bones can be seen.
In Okinawa Mainland, those who enshrined tombs did not treat them with great care, but in Miyako and Yaeyama, there were many who honored tombs.
Namely, there were many cases where structures resembling worship halls had been built in front of tombs.

It seemed this practice also existed in Okinawa Mainland.
From these tombs emerged Uyaagan and Fuagan.

10. Between Gods and Humans

Even in mainland Japan’s Shinto, boundaries between gods and humans were often unclear in ancient times.
In the early modern period, divine attendants came to be recognized metaphorically, but in antiquity they had been truly acknowledged as gods.
Terms such as "living gods" or "manifest deities" appear to find their authentic application precisely within the context of Ryukyuan priestesses.
That is to say, during rituals these divine attendants stood on equal footing with deities.

In Satsuma’s Ōshima District on Kikaigashima Island, there exists a family lineage called Tenjabara ("lineage of heavenly beings"). Long ago, when a goddess descended near this area, villagers mocked that a "tail-class" woman—meaning a prostitute—had come down. The celestial maiden ascended back to heaven and alighted upon a different land. A peasant from this village discovered her, carefully brought her back, and married her, thereby producing descendants. Later, this woman climbed a high mountain, though her comb and hair ornaments remained preserved in a cave. It is said her descendants became the Tenjabara lineage. This narrative deifies a human story—such tales abound across mainland Japan through Ryukyu. Continued research reveals this woman was actually a divine attendant, reflecting an era when such figures could neither marry nor engage with men.

Given that the boundary between gods and humans proved as indistinct as previously described to such a pronounced degree, there were even instances where it remained unclear whether one was worshipping a deity or a person. What was enshrined in the noro denchi appeared on the surface to be the fire deity, but as had already been stated, this was merely the household deity. The noro priestesses themselves did not value the fire deity as much as recorded in origin chronicles. The deity enshrined by the noro existed separately.

During New Year celebrations, all villagers would visit the noro denchi to worship.
Taking Kudaka Island—preserving the most archaic traditions—as an example, it becomes clear they were not worshipping the fire deities of both Kudaka and Tonaki noro.
The actual object of worship was the noro herself, seated beneath a red ryōsan cooling canopy hung from the ceiling as she received villagers' veneration.
Since this canopy was believed to descend to utaki shrines alongside deities during divine visitations, this confirmed that noro themselves were deities rather than mere proxies or symbols.
Nevertheless, while they indeed impersonated deities, these were understood not as fire gods but rather solar deities or niree gods.
In Tonaki Noro's ritual chamber, even traces of fire deity worship proved absent.
The Tonaki Noro or Oofuku-nyo priestess of Tsuken Island would lay bedding in their worship seats, hang mosquito nets, and sleep there.
In Tsuken's case, they even shared these ritual spaces with their husbands.
Such practices could only exist through belief that noro simultaneously embodied deities.
On Okinawa Mainland, people used *chikasa* (司)—a term signifying deities—while Sakishima Islands employed *noro* instead.
In Kudaka Island usage, *okude* within *Negami Okude* carried divine connotations.

Since this held true even during their lifetimes, it went without saying that priestesses were enshrined as deities after death. The numerous legends of goddesses found on remote islands far from Okinawa Mainland were almost all nothing more than stories of people who had actually existed as priestesses on those islands. In Ryukyuan Shinto, specifically regarding lords and ritual officiants, they already possessed a semi-divine status during their lifetimes—transcending even the belief that they would give birth to gods after seven generations. The endless tales of divine marriage concerning celestial maidens—those belonging to the Hagoromo and Urashima legend cycles—both existed and could have existed in relation to priestesses; there was no doubt these were folk customs transformed into narratives (per Mr. Yanagita). Moreover, in a not-too-distant era—as evidenced by current practices among Kudaka’s women—it appeared that entire villages of women had once lived as divine attendants; even now, they primarily revered their elder sisters as deities called *unai-gami* during special occasions. This signified the principle of sister deities. When there was no elder sister, they would designate a younger sister or any woman in the family as *unai-gami* and pray for safe travels—a custom practiced even in areas like Shuri and Naha. They would perform *unai* worship, request hair from the crown of the head, place it into a protective amulet bag, and depart on their journey. This entirely stemmed from the belief that recognized mystical power in the priestess’s hairpiece. Admittedly, there had been an example—if only in oral accounts—during the wedding period on Kudaka Island where all men in a village were viewed as male deities (*Omeikei-gami*). In Yasuda, Kunigami District, there existed a biennial ritual where villagers alternately worshiped *Unai-gami* and *Ikii-gami*, and under this pretext, all the women or men of the village engaged in mutual worship. However, could the practice of having men represent *Ikii-gami* not have been a transformation from an earlier system where female divine attendants had been exclusively dedicated to yang deities and yin deities? Otherwise, those strictly referred to as *Ikii-gami* would have had to be limited solely to clan members. In reality, male divine attendants had been exceedingly few; despite being a land said to have "men at leisure and women at labor," in religious matters, women had held absolute rights.

If one combines the tombs of divine attendants and commoners, it is said there will be curses.
The account of Empress Jingū recorded in the Nihon Shoki shares this same principle.

The two islands of Kudaka and Tsuken remain lands that still proclaim themselves as islands of the gods.
Even though there are schools and a district chief, in reality, the island’s policies take a form that follows the intentions of the noro priestesses.

There are numerous narratives in both Japan and Ryukyu that faithfully convey an era when a female ruler—a chieftain who received divine oracles—proactively governed through the oracular pronouncements of her sisterly counterpart, while her brother, the chieftain, administered political affairs.
This is the story of the sister who conceives a divine child and her brother.
At the same time, the story of the deity and the priestess who serves as the deity’s wife—along with their human child—that existed in the great eastern maritime kingdom possessing a Queen-Priestess can also be found within Ryukyuan narratives.

I would like to note that this brief paper takes Prof. Yanagita’s observations as its foundational basis.