Pathway to Japanese Literature

I. The Literature Brought by Visiting Deities

(1) Kawachi Village (Lower soil.) The name derives from the river.
The fields of this village required no grass spreading before planting seedlings.
This was because when Sumiyoshi Ōkami (Great Deity) took residence here, he partook of food in this village.
Thereupon, his attendant deities scattered the grass that people had cut and left piled.
At this, the grass owner—greatly aggrieved—brought his grievance before the Great Deity, who pronounced: "Though you spread no grass for your rice seedlings, they shall grow as if you had."
Thus do the village fields to this day make seedbeds without grass spreading.
(Harima Fudoki)

(2) Now there was also the army of Eshiki.
They deployed across Iware Village until it was filled.
(磯.
[Read as 'shi'.]) The rebels occupied all strategic positions.
Thus were roads completely blocked with no passage possible.
The Emperor took grave offense at this.
That night he prayed earnestly before retiring.
In dream came a heavenly deity's instruction: "Take soil from within Heavenly Fragrant Mountain's shrine (Fragrant Mountain;
[Read as 'Kaguyama'.]) to fashion eighty heihō (flat vessels;
[Read as 'hirake'.]) and craft itsutobe vessels for reverent offerings to heavenly and earthly deities.
(Itsutobe.
[Read as 'Itsutobe'.]) Then perform solemn curses.
Thus shall the rebels submit of themselves.

(Itsunokagirī.
(This is read as Itsutsu no Kagirī.) The Emperor, having reverently received the dream’s instruction, prepared to act accordingly.
At that time, Otoshikami again reported: "In Yamato Province’s Shiki Village dwell the Eighty Chieftains of Shiki."
Furthermore, in Takaoari Village (some texts say Katsuragi Village), there are eighty Red Copper Chieftains.
"All of these groups desire to resist the Emperor in battle."
“I privately worry for Your Majesty regarding this matter.”
“It would be proper now to take clay from Heavenly Fragrant Mountain, fashion heihō vessels, and worship the deities of the heavenly and national shrines. Then, attacking the rebels will be easily accomplished.”

The Emperor, having already taken the dream’s message as an auspicious sign,
and when he heard Otoshikami’s words,
His heart swelled with even greater joy.
Then [he] had Shiinetsuhiko put on worn-out clothes and a straw raincoat and hat, assuming the appearance of an old man.
He also had Otoshikami wear a winnowing basket to assume the appearance of an old woman and commanded them: “You two shall proceed to Heavenly Fragrant Mountain and secretly obtain its summit soil.”
and then you shall return.
The success or failure of this foundation shall be divined through you.
Exert your utmost effort and act with prudence.
At this time, enemy soldiers filled the roads, making passage difficult.
At that time, Shiinetsuhiko prayed and declared: “If our Emperor can pacify this land, the roads will open of their own accord.”
If he cannot do so, the bandits will surely block [the roads].
Having said this, they departed straightaway.
At that time, the bandits saw the two.
The bandits burst into loud laughter and said:
How utterly hideous! (Ōnamiminiku.)
(This is read as "Ōnamiminiku".) An old man and an old woman.
Then they cleared the path and let them pass.
The two reached that mountain, took soil and returned, whereupon the Emperor was greatly pleased.
Then, using this clay, they fashioned eighty heihō (flat vessels) and eighty amatae (handled vessels; teku).
(This is read as 'Takui Eri'.) They then ascended to the upper reaches of the Niu River with the itsutobe (ceremonial vessels).

They used them to worship the heavenly deities and earthly gods.
Then at that Utagawa River's morning plain, they cast a spell that clung like water foam.
(Jimmu-ki)

(3) When Ōkuninushi-no-kami was seated in the Great Hall of Izumo, he boarded the Heavenly Kagami Boat from Namiho. Having peeled goose skin to fashion garments, there appeared a returning deity. Though he asked its name, it did not answer. Moreover, when he inquired of all attendant deities, they all professed ignorance. Thereupon Taniguku declared: "This one—Kuebiko will surely know." When Ōkuninushi-no-kami summoned Kuebiko and questioned him, he answered: "This is the august child of Kamimusubi-no-kami—Sukunabikona-no-kami." Therefore, this was reported to Kamimusubi-no-mioya-no-mikoto, who declared: "This is indeed my child—among my children, this one emerged from between my fingers." "Therefore, you Ashihara-shiko-o-no-mikoto shall become brothers and solidify that land together." From that time, Ōanamuchi and Sukunabikona-no-kami stood side by side and fortified this land. Thereafter Sukunabikona-no-kami crossed to Tokoyo, the Eternal Realm—revealing that Sukunabikona-no-kami, called Kuebiko, is what we now name Yamada no Sohodo. This deity knows all under heaven though his feet never walk. Hereupon Ōkuninushi-no-kami lamented: "How can I alone build this land? What deity could join me?" At that moment came a deity shining across the sea, who proclaimed: "If you govern what lies before me, I shall create it with you." "Otherwise, this land shall never be completed."

Then Ōkuninushi-no-kami said: “If that be so, how shall I govern and serve it?”
“I shall humbly enshrine myself upon the eastern mountains of Yamato’s verdant fences.”
This deity is the one enshrined upon Mount Mimoro.

(Chronicle of the Divine Age)

As one mere example among countless others of this type, we shall cite these three texts and attempt to establish a starting point for discussing the history of our nation’s literature.
In contrast to our inhabited land, an otherworld was conceived where all aspects of its way of life were considered to take forms directly opposite to this land’s circumstances.
What proved most striking was that literature itself—which our ancestors believed they had originated—was thought in their own time to be entirely the product of an imaginary realm beyond.
Beings imagined to serve as intermediaries conveying tidings between these two shores—this land and the other—brought ritual utterances that would later become literature’s primordial words.
These were divine visitors who, through their periodic arrivals in this land, renewed this world’s vitality and restored heaven and earth to their primordial state—beings called *marebito* precisely because their coming was rare and wondrous.
As the ritual utterances brought by these Visiting Deities were proclaimed—through the power contained within them, born from a transformed belief in their speakers’ spiritual force—they came to be preserved over long periods, gradually differentiated, and ultimately gave rise to literary consciousness.

Now, the realm beyond where these Visiting Deities were deemed to dwell was called, in our people’s ancient language, Tokoyo—written as 常世 (Eternal Realm) or 常夜 (Eternal Night). It was believed that in that Tokoyo—the otherworld—the souls of those who had fully completed their lives in this land gathered (what was called *tsumaru*) and continued to exist. And so, in Yomi no Kuni—the Land of Night—which was thought to have branched off in a somewhat different direction from this Tokoyo, it appears they conceived of the most powerful among such souls, much like how they had conceived of Yomi no Ōkami (Great Deity of Yomi). Moreover, due to their habitual tendency to think and conceptualize in contrasts, they came to conceive of two opposing entities and, since these were their ancestors, began to regard them as a parental pair of spirits. Furthermore, it was also believed that the many souls in that land, following the guidance of their august spirits, came in groups to this country. Therefore, those who considered the Visiting Deities to be august spirits of the otherworld also regarded them as sacred beings—ones who shared a common spirit with us, differing only in their way of life. In certain regions or eras, they were widely believed to be deities and came to be called Tokoyo gods. In this way, thoughts regarding the Visiting Deities were remarkably fluid, and it can be perceived that there were many aspects that varied depending on the village. However, to arbitrarily dwell on such unorganized and varied forms would only prevent one from grasping accurate knowledge; therefore, we must temporarily confine our discussion to the representative forms seen in the cited passages of *Kojiki*, *Nihon Shoki*, and *Fudoki*.

The faith in these three forms of Visiting Deities has preserved their presence not only in many classical texts but also enduringly through later ages—indeed, in some cases persisting even now within folk traditions.
When we examine the example in the Kojiki, we see traces of a single divine manifestation transmitted in two forms: as spiritual beings and as august spirits.
The preceding and following sections take the form of presenting a causal relationship, but in reality, they are merely differentiated accounts of a single matter.
In contrast, the Nihon Shoki treats this merely as a luminous entity that illuminates the sea plain as it comes—that is, as foreign spirits.
In this regard, it can be said that [the text] very aptly explains the various processes of the Visiting Deities concept.
Looking at the second example from the Nihon Shoki, the journey of the Visiting Deities demonstrates that they could pass through any village without hindrance.
Furthermore, the form of the male ancestral spirit is Shihine-tsuhiko, while Otowakamaru—contrary to the mistaken assumption of maleness derived from contrast with Oiwakamaru, for which there naturally exists a valid rationale within this tradition—serves as the female ancestral spirit, together appearing as a pair of Visiting Deities.
And the parental pair of deities also bear the aspect of partaking in curses.
When we examine the Harima Fudoki, we find that such examples are exceedingly numerous; having cited one of them here, it most aptly demonstrates how the timing of village rituals was determined by Tokoyo—the Eternal Realm—and further mythologizes the presence of a principal deity and the accompanying deities who journeyed with him.
Moreover, particular attention must be paid to how it shows the advent of the rice seedling season—which diverged from the arrival of spring.

Examples linking Tokoyo, the Visiting Deities, and life in this land were beyond counting; yet having undergone rationalization, many largely omitted the most crucial conditions pertaining to the Visiting Deities’ ordained roles. I shall now discuss how the ritual utterances brought by these Visiting Deities formed the literary starting point of this nation—that is to say, a story concerning Tokoyo’s foremost incantations and ritual chants.

The first matter that must be clarified is whether these Visiting Deities are truly “visiting deities.” Needless to say, they were nothing more than a type of ritual performer traditionally transmitted among village communities that held such faith. Those who lost this transmission of ritual actions became historicized, while those who transmitted only actions branched off into theater, sumo, ceremonial archery, and the like. Those involved in transmitting these ritual actions were none other than people of this land who had undergone periods of mystical life—namely individuals who became principal deities through roles such as village chiefs or religious elders. Furthermore, many group-traveling deities accompanying Tokoyo gods underwent adult initiation rites by performing sacred duties tied to these rituals’ core purpose: preserving incantations and renewing communal memory through ceremonial repetition.

While these ritual utterances were believed to originate from heaven and earth’s primordial foundations alongside national origins，they gradually diversified through unconscious alterations into manifold forms over time。Seasonal anticipation for divine visitations intensified cyclical frequency，each occasion marked by disguised deities compelling local spirits’ submission through chanted demands—a practice forming early prototypes for call-and-response traditions (*utagaki*). Non-responsive forms birthed ritual pantomime (*kemmi-gei*)，while responsive ones evolved into mimetic performances (*modoki-gei*). These dual incantation streams crystallized into distinct genres：one becoming *norito* prayer prototypes，the other developing into congratulatory *jushi* honoring conquerors of ancestral spirits’ power，later formalized as ceremonial praises (*gashi*).

These incantations came to be reimagined as having been brought from Tokoyo—the Eternal Realm—and made into things of this land.
However, evidence remains that the memory of their power’s origin in Tokoyo was never lost.
The term *norou* (呪), which originally functioned as both declaration and malediction against spirits, follows the same semantic narrowing as *tokofu* (詛)—a word that similarly came to emphasize solely its cursing aspect.
The root *toko* shares at minimum a common origin with *Tokoyo*’s root—a connection that was indeed recognized as factual.
This demonstrates how Tokoyo’s august spirits operated through both declaration and malediction.
Furthermore, Omoikane-no-kami—revered as the deity who originated ritual prayers—bore such names as Yagokoro Omoikane-no-kami and Tokoyo Omoikane-no-kami, augmented by epithets resembling *makurakotoba* praise phrases.
The designation “Eightfold Thoughts” (*Yagokoro*) emerged when ritual incantations were numerically restricted—an era demanding single utterances to serve multiple purposes through layered meanings.
Such practices were attributed entirely to Tokoyo’s august spirits.
Hence came the epithet “Tokoyo” for this deity.
These ancient forms of ritual declaration leave no surviving traces today.
We have no recourse but to deduce from *norito*—prayers that underwent extreme differentiation and functional transformation.
Yet even this allows partial verification through comparison of various ritual declarations and incantations.

II. Court and Village Life

(1) The Imperial Edict of the Divine Sovereign Ruling Over Japan (referring to the words proclaimed to envoys of foreign nations regarding significant matters), and so forth—all heard.

The Imperial Edict of the Divine Sovereign Ruling Over [the Realm] (referring to the words proclaimed to envoys of foreign nations regarding subsequent matters), and so forth—all heard.

The Imperial Edict of the Divine Sovereign Ruling Over Ōyashima (referring to the words used for major affairs of the court).
(namely, the establishment of the Empress and Crown Prince, and matters such as receiving New Year’s congratulatory audiences.) And so forth—all heard.
(Above: Kōshiki-ryō [Codes on Official Documents], Shōsho-shiki [Edict Format])

(2) On the first day of the eighth month (Kinoe-Ne), [he] received abdication and ascended to the throne.
On Kanoe-Tatsu [day], the Imperial Edict proclaimed: “As the Arahitogami (manifest deity) who governs Ōyashima-kuni, the Tennō’s Great Command (Ōmikoto) decrees…” (*Shoku Nihongi*, Emperor Monmu’s first year).

(3) On the Tsuchinoe-Saru day of the second month [Kinoe-Uma first day], the Emperor proceeded to the eastern gate of the palace and ordered Soga no Udaijin to proclaim: “By the decree of the Divinely Radiant Sovereign Ruling Under Heaven, Nippon Yamato-neko Tennō…” (*Taika 2nd Year Record*)

[The edict] proclaimed: “By the decree of Myōjin Ōyashima-shū-shiki Yamato-neko Tennō’s Great Command (ra mato), proclaiming the Great Command……” (*Hōji 1st Year, 7th Month Record*).

(4) Emperor Ōyamato Nekohiko Kuni Kurusu was the Crown Prince of Emperor Ōyamato Nekohiko Futoni.
In the spring, first month of the 36th year of Emperor Ōyamato Nekohiko Futoni’s reign, [the future emperor] was appointed Crown Prince…… In the spring, second month of the 76th year [of his reign], Emperor Ōyamato Nekohiko Futoni passed away.
(Kōgen-ki)

Nippon-neshiko Amatsu Toyokuni Naruhime Tennō, Princess Shōna Abe…… (Genmei-ki)

Nippon-neshiko Takamizu Kiyotarashi Hime Tennō, [...] was the imperial daughter of Hinamihashi no Miko no Mikoto.
(Genshō-ki)

The ritual incantations of the court also developed along this path; thus, the *Ryo no Gige*'s commentary—the fine-print annotations—did not necessarily explain their ancient forms.
To state it precisely, these Senmyo (Imperial Edicts) were most appropriately employed during enthronement ceremonies and New Year's audiences.
The enthronement ceremony—in which the declaration of a new reign was conducted—was in ancient times a single ritual with the Daijosai (Great Thanksgiving Festival).

Meanwhile, the morning of New Year’s Day was—needless to say—the beginning of the year. This demonstrated that the once-per-reign ceremony came to be regarded as equivalent to the annual ritual. Moreover, imperial edicts from an era unconcerned with foreign nations proclaimed grand rites through the august qualification of Yamato-neko Tennō. Thus existed those who received the posthumous appellation “Yamato-neko...Tennō” as a matter of principle. The ceremonial qualification placed at an edict’s beginning became the august title that encompassed their entire reign.

The life of ancient Japan could not be adequately addressed by discussing only the courtly style—its most prominent lifestyle.
In each village community, though small, we can observe that there existed a similar lifestyle.
It should be noted that while entirely different lifestyles existed depending on villages and tribes, they gradually came to imitate the upper lifestyle.
This was one life principle in our nation’s ancient way of living.
Therefore, it could be said that the lifestyle of the court was, to a certain extent, identical to that of all nobles and village lords.
Standing in that position and speaking from it, the discussion progressed with great simplicity.
Through court life, one could observe folk life, while conversely, from village life, one could discern the antiquated aspects of court life.

In village life or when observed in later noble households, those who manifested as Visiting Deities were often masters of their houses.
The duty of hosting them fell chiefly to women possessing ritual power who shared close blood ties with these individuals.
Yet in Japanese Shinto—though female attendants formed its foundational principle—there gradually arose instances where household heads were additionally incorporated.
Thus within the court, the Emperor at minimum assumed the paradoxical yet vital stance of being both Visiting Deity and host during grand rituals.
This stands as the fundamental reason why the sovereign in court pronounced Norito (Ritual Prayers).
Hence there existed aspects wherein high-ranking shrine maidens participating in rites served as imperial proxies.

Even in court rituals, the words proclaimed by His Majesty when presiding over the people had long been believed to originate from utterances once made by a revered Visiting Deity who appeared in ages past.
As society progressed and circumstances grew complex, these incantations gradually differentiated into several types—similar in essence but with minor variations.
Yet among these, none were considered closer to their primordial form than the morning audience edicts recorded in imperial decree formats.
These fragments likely survived as words personally uttered by His Majesty himself.
Other formulas became entrusted to shrine priests—court ritualists serving as imperial proxies—who proclaimed them in his stead.
Though containing what now remains as our oldest group of norito prayers, Engishiki's Ritual Prayers—in their entirety or even fixed portions—hardly strike us as genuinely ancient.
At most, one might say they preserve vestiges of archaic roots.
This sole clue for reconstructing ancient incantations reveals a clear distinction between Nakatomi norito and Imibe norito—their natures diverging as the Heian period approached: Nakatomi prayers increasingly took shape as imperial proclamations, while Imibe formulas evolved from spirit-side invocations presented to the throne.
Though exceptions exist, the term "Amatsu Norito"—primarily indicating ancient transmission—appears predominantly among Imibe prayers.
Thus we must conclude that Engishiki's norito-related beliefs and knowledge exist in profoundly altered form.
Therefore, studying these extant materials alone would ultimately prove a futile endeavor.

3. The Duties of Intermediaries

At that time, Amaterasu-ōmikami instructed Yamatohime-no-mikoto, saying: “This land of divine winds, Ise Province, is indeed the nation to which the waves of Tokoyo—layer upon layer—return.”
The adjacent land is a blessed realm.
I desire to reside in this land.
Therefore, following the Great Deity’s teaching, [she] established its shrine in Ise Province.
Therefore, [she] established the Saigū (Ise Priestess residence) upon the upper reaches of the Isuzu River.
This is called Iso-no-Miya.
Thus, it was the place where Amaterasu-ōmikami first descended from heaven.
(Suinin-ki)

Among those who performed the duty of standing between deities and humans to convey words—what later generations called “mediators”—it could be considered that there existed at least two distinct forms. Among the noble women of the court, they were referred to as Nakatsu-no-Sumeramikoto. That is to say, these were those who stood between the deities and the Sovereign—the divine child of the deities—and held the words. Then there were divine individuals who stood between the Sovereign and humanity to perform the same duties—what were called Nakatsukomi, that is, the Nakatomi. Moreover, this Nakatomi role was broad in meaning and not limited to a single clan’s duties; it seemed later generations came to consider only the Nakatomi clan—the one that branched into the Fujiwara—as its sole practitioners. When considering whether the Nakatomi’s duties had occupied such an elevated position from antiquity, or whether they held incomparably greater weight than those of the Imibe, one could not necessarily assert this as fact. Admittedly, the Imibe clan’s oppositional claims in later ages—as even seen in the *Kogo Shūi* itself—constituted a historically unreasonable and meaningless movement; yet when tracing back to antiquity, it could not be thought that there had existed such a clear distinction from the Nakatomi clan’s duties.

It had been stated that intermediaries existed between deities and His Majesty.
Simultaneously, it could be considered that His Majesty himself stood between deities and humanity to fulfill mediatorial duties.
This became discernible through the term mikotomochi ("bearer of august words").
In ancient records, mikotomochi had already come to denote high-ranking provincial officials and lower-ranking capital officials, typically rendered through Chinese characters like sai ("minister") and daibu ("senior counselor").
This terminological fixation toward lower ranks occurred because officials originally performed mediatorial roles across all hierarchies - hence all being called mikotomochi.
The Nihon Shoki provided clearest evidence for this.
Though distinguishing honorifics through written forms - son and mikoto - the latter derived from customary abbreviation of mikotomochi.
This distinction permeated all social strata.
Thus august words became affixed from deities through His Majesty down to nobles.
The paradigm manifested most clearly in imperial princes.
Those serving as His Majesty's proxies - regents in function - were specially styled Imperial Prince Son.
This differed slightly from other mikoto usages, denoting an imperial prince bearing Heavenly Deities' words.

That which was positioned even higher than the Imperial Prince Son for the Sun’s Offspring was the Sumeramikoto.
The fact that the Sumeramikoto descended to this world meant that he conveyed the heavenly deities’ decrees to the spirits of this land and anticipated achieving their efficacy.
Therefore, to state it precisely as a matter of religious fact: the Sun’s Offspring who had descended in spring bore the august words of early spring; then, upon reaching autumn, he performed the reporting back of the results from having borne those august words.
Their purpose gradually became fixed and took shape as something conducted for the sake of the field’s crops.
This reporting back was precisely the original significance of the term *matsuru* (to conduct rituals).
He presented the result that had been fulfilled in accordance with the august words.
However, this ritual was a ceremony connected to the heavenly deities; as a result of revering its ancient transmission, they came to consider its actions and linguistic traditions separately.
They came to consider it as having content distinct from rituals involving ordinary offerings and thus called it "ritual governance" to differentiate.
Because it was a ceremony for presenting the reporting-back words, they came to customarily call it "ritual governance."
All of these, when expressed in ancient religious terminology, belonged to one aspect of food-country governance.
Therefore, in our country, the terms *matsuri* (rituals) and *matsurigoto* (ritual governance) could not be separated from economic considerations at their core.

The successive descent of the Sun’s Offspring to this land had indeed been solely for performing food-country governance. While various sacred rituals might be considered part of His Majesty’s duties as the Sun’s Offspring, all were ultimately resolved through this framework of food-country governance in truth. As His Majesty conducted this governance, he stood as bearer of the Heavenly Deities’ august words. The proclamations concerning food-country governance personally issued by His Majesty—likely few initially—gradually increased in number. When their focus shifted from spirits and souls to humans, His Majesty began employing divine attendants serving at court as ritual heralds. Thus emerged the cause for devolving bearers of august words. Even in later eras—as remained evident—they retained qualifications equal to the original speaker while uttering those words, becoming revered transmitters. Through these ritual words, their social status rose accordingly. Nakatomi priests too elevated their position through constant service as His Majesty’s heralds. Though court priests ought to have been His Majesty himself, this role came to be termed “priest.” The Imibe clan followed largely the same trajectory. Beyond Nakatomi and Imibe, households bearing words from both Heavenly Deities and Sovereign likely existed—ritual incantations concerning hereditary professions that should have been decreed by the Sovereign came instead from group leaders or clan chiefs. This simultaneously enabled tomobe no miyatsuko to command numerous bemin—a power born from words transmitted through households since antiquity. Approaching the Nara period, songs replacing incantations’ core elements grew prevalent as their newest evolution.

The class that had preserved such organizational structures of ancient life until the very end was the warrior class. Moreover, among the works created by Ōtomo no Yakamochi—whom we may consider the final practitioner of such forms—there existed long poems composed with the intent to convey the court’s august intentions to his clansmen or subordinates. An example of this will be presented in the next chapter. To reiterate: Beyond His Majesty the Emperor serving as bearer of august words, it has already been stated that as court officials, the Nakatomi and Imibe preserved their vestiges into later ages; furthermore, it can be said that regarding various be groups, leaders serving as bearers of august words in such a capacity were also present. To cite an evident fact: Ōhama no Sukune, ancestor of the Azumi Muraji clan, became the lineage governing the sea clans by virtue of having quelled disturbances among various regional sea clans. Therefore, they came to be called Governors of the Sea Clans.

Thus, the terminological usages of *mikotomochi*—with the Sovereign as the primary speaker—diversified into various forms. In other words, the social status of those households remained unchanged based on the august words passed down through their lineage. However, as these ritual incantations gradually changed over time and became independent, people came to consider them—having forgotten their significance as sacred words of the bearers—as something that had uniquely arisen within their households. These, furthermore, became epicized and took the form of their tribe’s history and professional guilds’ histories.

As one example of this, I would like to write the next chapter.

IV. Warriors’ Sorcery

Summer, fourth month, first day (Kinoeuma).
The Emperor visited Todai-ji Temple.
Before the Vairocana Buddha statue in the front hall, [he] faced north toward the image.
The Empress and Crown Prince attended together.
The ministers, various officials, and commoners split into groups to form processions and followed behind the hall.

By imperial command, the Left Minister Tachibana no Sukune Moroe reported to the Buddha.
The servants of the Three Treasures served His Majesty the Emperor; by imperial command, they reported before the great Vairocana statue.
This land of Great Yamato has, since the creation of heaven and earth, been proclaimed a golden human country; yet in this realm where no material concerns were heard of within the food-providing land, Kudara no Kyōfuku—Governor of Mutsu Province in the eastern regions, holding the Junior Fifth Rank—reported and presented gold found in Shōta District under his jurisdiction.
“Having graciously received [this report] with astonishment and joy, [we] accepted with reverence the merciful blessings and gifts bestowed by Vairocana Buddha; then officials and people all led [others] in worshipful service before the great presence of the Three Treasures and reverently reported [this].”
Junior Third Rank, Minister of the Central Affairs, Isonokami no Ason Otomaro proclaims.
The Sovereign Divine Yamatonenokoi Sumeramikoto proclaims an imperial decree: All Imperial Princes, nobles, ministers, officials, and citizens throughout the realm shall reverently hear and obey.
From the Heavenly Plain of Takamagahara where [His Majesty] descended and resides, the reign of His Majesty began; now reaching this present reign of His Majesty—successor to the Heavenly Sun enthroned on high—[He] governs and bestows blessings upon the undertaking of this food-providing realm under heaven, [acting] in accordance with the deities’ will; [He] proclaims this great decree for all to reverently hear and obey.
Having long governed and bestowed blessings through the Heavenly Sun Succession, now in Our reign as Sovereign seated upon this throne—[We] who reverently receive the labors of heaven and earth—the gold discovered in Shōta District of Mutsu Province in the eastern regions of this food-providing realm has been reported and presented…[omission]…Furthermore, Ōtomo no Saeki no Sukune has ever stated thus: “In serving to protect His Majesty’s court, you people must recall your ancestors who originally crossed seas to become waterlogged corpses [in duty], traversed mountains to become grass-entangled corpses…”
[Journeyed through mountains to become] grass-entangled corpses.
They died precisely for the emperor’s rites.
Those who came proclaiming, “We shall not perish,” were graciously heard by His Majesty.
Therefore, from the distant reigns of emperors past to Our present reign seated [upon this throne], [We] have dispatched loyal troops.
Therefore, you shall embody your ancestors’ devotion; you must not lose this heart; serve with pure intent; [We] shall govern each man and woman…[omission]… (*Shoku Nihongi*, Emperor Shōmu’s Chronicles).

Celebratory Poem on the Imperial Edict Regarding the Discovery of Gold in Mutsu Province: One Tanka

The Land of Ashihara-no-Midzuho—governed and made splendid through the august words of deities who established His Majesty's reign as successor to the Heavenly Sun—saw mountains and rivers beautified under successive imperial generations ruling the four quarters of the realm; may these presented tribute treasures be received and made manifest.

Though we prayed to Our Great Lord's august decrees and spread virtuous deeds afar—reverently upholding even our meager offerings might reach distant realms—at dawn's cockcrow in Shōta District's mountains of eastern Michinoku, gold was found and presented; we calmed His Majesty's august heart, entreated heaven-earth deities in unison, and received imperial ancestors' blessed spirits to fulfill vows sworn across eras.

If in Our reign this food-providing land shall long endure—we having gathered eighty warriors under service-breath, uniting elders and maidens alike in pledged hearts to be governed—then let this too manifest unfailingly: invoking Ōtomo's distant divine ancestors as Great Kume Masters, we proclaim before doubled office gates.

Those crossing seas become waterlogged corpses;
Those traversing mountains become grass-entangled corpses;
They shall die at the Great Emperor's court.

[Untranslated ritual formula]

The Ōtomo and Saeki clans established ancestral words; their descendants keep these names unbroken while serving at the Great Emperor's court as word-foundations.

Holding catalpa bows, brandishing swords at His gates—we discard ourselves while night-praying retainers remain.

Noble are those who hear the Great Emperor's auspicious words.

(Envoy) Warriors' hearts are perceived.
Those who hear the auspicious words of the Great Emperor are exalted.

Ōtomo no tomobe oikamu oya no okutsuki wa, shiruku shime tate.
比等能之流倍久

May the Imperial Reign of Sumero-gi long endure—in Michinoku’s Shōta mountains, golden blossoms bloom.

Tenpyō-kanpō 1st Year, 5th Month, 12th Day.
Composed by Ōtomo no Sukune Yakamochi at the residence of the Governor of Etchū Province.
(*Manyoshu*, Volume 18)

In the morning, they open the gates; in the evening, they close them; inquiring the names of those entering and departing to ascertain their identities—faults and transgressions lie (in... (Mikado Matsuri [Gate Festival]; Norito-shiki [ritual prayer format]).
) Norito-shiki (ritual prayer format).

In the terminological usages of *mononofu* (warriors), it is considered that they fully encompass what are called warrior houses from the oldest eras traceable to the Yamato Court through to the modern period.
However, people fail to notice that the term *mononofu* has leapt across eras and undergone a complete transformation in its essence.
That is, the *mononofu* who have come to be recognized as a distinct class since the mid-Heian period are in fact already an archaizing term—their essence has undergone a complete transformation.
Therefore, even when using knowledge pertaining to warrior houses from later periods, there remain many aspects of the lives of even the most recent Heian court military officials that elude comprehension.

Impartial and dispassionate research based on documents should have noticed that unexpected antiquity was preserved and impressed within Heian court life.
The reason why ancient life—regarded as commonplace and thus not deemed particularly necessary to document—had nonetheless found its way into records predating the Nara period was not difficult to imagine.
However, it was concluded that the style had changed to such an extent that those portions which were sporadically inherited from the Heian period and had persisted in fixed form must now receive special treatment.
However, this seemed to have been considered as appearing in documents from the modern period onward precisely because it began in that era.
However, it was precisely such assumptions that had to be eliminated from all scholarship grounded in historical perspectives.

Here, as one of these points, I shall discuss warriors and their retainers.

Warriors maintained profound connections to music and dance at court and official rituals—that is, in ancient terminology, elements belonging to ritual divine entertainments.
As a governing principle, this pertained to court military officials, Rokuefu (Six Guards) officials, and others.
Moreover, those deemed leaders among them were styled *mononofushi*.
Simultaneously, it remains evident this term bore no connotations of melodic phrasing.
There can be no misapprehension in deeming it a term fundamentally anchored in warriors.
The warriors who progressively gained influence in Kyoto following the mid-Heian period were originally those summoned either as ōban guards or zuijin attendants to nobles.
Thus did those affiliated with court and nobility elevate their station as military officers in accordance with their masters' waxing influence.
Those properly called their lords belonged to the royal clan, many having inherited warrior conventions from antiquity.
Within these ancient *mononofu* duties lay aspects deeply imbued with ritual magic.
For instance, *mononobe* served as a generic designation for warrior clans, the most potent among them achieving such renown that their name crystallized into a proper noun—thus forming what we call the Mononobe clan.
Consequently, numerous other Mononobe clans of divergent lineage existed.
This natural differentiation yielded the phonetically distinct term *mononofu* for the Mononobe clan.
Among Mononobe clans encompassing warrior ethos, prominence fluctuated across eras, with first-rank status not invariably denoting identical houses.
The most ancient Mononobe clans appear to have designated what we term the Kume clan.
After the Mononobe clan—prosperous during the documentary age—became exclusively associated with warrior houses, through successive transformations the Ōtomo clan ultimately assumed a form mirroring the Mononobe's highest echelon.

Among the *mononofu* in the court were those that should be regarded as the origins of military houses which later became subordinates of the royal clan. They were not necessarily attached to *mononofu* households but could be viewed as having arisen individually. That is, they constituted a distinct type of *mononofu* separated from mythologically grounded traditions. These were the so-called *toneri*. From the perspective of the nation's ancient traditions, it remained a fact that all *mononofu* did not originate as sacred offices descending from Takamagahara, but rather began when deities and divine humans compelled conquered tribes on this land—through sorcery and the divine authority forming their power's foundation—to serve them. Historically, while accounts explained the Mononobe clan's ancestral deity as Nigihayahi-no-mikoto—purportedly a scion of heavenly deities—the clan's status as a conquered people stood as fact. Furthermore, whether considering the Kume clan's ancestors or those of the Ōtomo clan—whose origin stories remained similarly entangled—they could be identified as subjugated tribes once rationalized elements from antiquity were stripped away. It was these warrior clans—pledging such subordination while guarding the court through sorcery meant to preserve the sovereign's health—that formed the *mononobe*.

There was no doubt that the beings of *mononobe* were souls. Furthermore, the term we attempted to call “narrative”—or “epic”—also appeared to be a contagion of souls. The wise terms that appeared in *norito* ritual prayers and *senmyo* imperial edicts signified those who discerned the will of spirits. In utilizing these beings, tribes possessing strong spiritual souls wielded their power—and what became termed *mononobe* was their role in expelling guardian spirits from invading tribes. It came to be seen that faith in such beings was considered of utmost importance and that the Mononobe clan exclusively served its related priesthood.

From the perspective of those involved in *mononobe* literature, the rituals attached to Isonokami—a compound surname of the Mononobe clan—possessed both a long tradition that should be regarded as most significant among ancient soul-pacifying methods and renowned origins.
And thus, the songs accompanying these soul-pacifying rituals were a new form bearing the same significance as incantatory words directed toward epics.
The soul-pacifying songs transmitted in the world may generally be considered part of the Isonokami lineage, though certain doubts still remain.
What could be called substitute songs for old *chinkonka* are sporadically found here and there.

Riding a tiger, crossing over old houses—to capture the Shark-Dragon in the blue abyss: Oh for a sword and longsword! (*From “Several Object Songs Composed by Prince Sakaibe,”* Manyoshu)

Such creative compositions persisted until the Heian period and were employed as soul-pacifying songs—that is, substitute songs for sacred dance songs—.

If only I had the great sword of the warrior from Isonokami’s ancient shrine.
Lowering the well bucket’s cord, I shall traverse the palace path. (*Shūi Wakashū*)

When examining these songs—despite their chronological inconsistencies—one observes that while some preserve far more ancient forms, others exhibit greatly transformed manifestations, thus revealing folk transmission’s unique nature.
At the same time, through the *Shūi Wakashū* poems, it becomes somewhat possible to trace back to the original intent of the *Manyoshu* poems.

Hereupon, the two consorts perpetually lamented: “Alas, how sorrowful! My elder brother the Prince—whither has he gone?”
The Emperor, hearing their lamentation, inquired: “You—why do you grieve?”
They replied: “My elder brother, Prince Washizumi—in his nature, he is a man of formidable strength and nimble agility.”
“Thus did he alone dash over the Eight-Fathom Hall and wander afar; many days have now passed without us meeting face-to-face to speak.”
“Therefore do we lament…” (*Chronicle of Emperor Ingyō*)

At the same time, it could be discerned that the term *furuyu*—derived from ancient ritual magic—had in another context been exaggerated into what was called the *Eight-Fathom Hall*.
The three examples cited earlier were not closely connected in sequence; yet even through these, one could trace how soul-pacifying songs and their compositions branched into manifold pathways.

Moreover, the most crucial duty manifested on the surface by the Mononobe was guarding the palace gates.
This duty was expanded to include guarding the palace walls and gardens.
In contrast, the newly entered toneri-lineage warriors in the imperial court—though from an organizational standpoint one could not quite say so—had the distinction of being stationed upon the palace’s upper levels.
This was the reason why various titled military officials came to be stationed at the Heian court and other imperial palaces.
Generally speaking, these two types became the personnel of the Guards Offices.

Leaving aside the toneri for now, the Ōtomo clan—who left a profound impression at the twilight of the mononofu warriors—found that their very name signified “palace gates.” Consequently, what remained as a commemoration of their guardianship was the Ōtenmon Gate of Heian-kyō. This duplicated the same significance as the Suzakumon Gate, which was commonly regarded as the standard main gate.

Stretching wide, the Ōtomo warriors—through them, that the land may prosper, the moon shines bright (On the Moon).
(Manyoshu)

It was clearly a song that both transposed into eulogistic verse the scene of the moon shining upon the so-called Ōtomo Gate (Suzakumon) and bore deep connections to the Ōtomo clan themselves.

Even works such as Yamanoue no Okura’s “Song to Dispel Confusion” in Volume V of the *Manyoshu* (composed in Jinki 5 [728 CE?]) are clearly translations of Emperor Shōmu’s edicts.
Belonging to the same lineage and further clarifying its origins was Ōtomo no Yakamochi’s “Song of Congratulations on the Imperial Edict for Gold from Mutsu Province.”
That is, they came to be matched with the imperial edict and tally of the same year.
In this era, it was thought that when an imperial edict was issued, clan leaders and provincial governors would transmit it to their subordinates in this format.
At the same time, there existed a practice of expressing these edicts in connection with the unique histories of their respective clans and provinces.
From this perspective, when we examine the long poems of the *Manyoshu*, I believe there may be more works whose original meanings become clear.
Even when speaking of antiquity, ritual folk songs such as those composed during the establishment of the Fujiwara capital—the *mi-uta* well songs—could be considered translations of incantations.
It may be that even then, long poems alone were produced for that purpose without incantations.
Particularly in the case of the “Fujiwara Mi-uta,” while it was fundamentally a song praising palace grounds through its form extolling all four directional gates—east, west, south, and north—this structural aspect demands special attention.

Even among tribes not typically counted under standard examples of *mononofu* warriors, there seem to have been instances where they assumed *mononofu* duties. This refers to cases where men of the Sarume clan served as palace guards.

In the so-called Inbe norito, those such as the Mikado Matsuri norito incorporate considerably later-period modes of thought; yet from this, what could be inferred was that incantations of the same lineage had necessarily been used by the Mononobe in antiquity. Even in these somewhat archaic texts preserving older styles, the presence of phrases like “without mutual verbal exchange…” made it clear that they had been concerned with defeating or prevailing over opponents’ orally recited incantations. Even in later ages, the term *monoarasoi* revealed traces of contending for supremacy within such linguistic expressions. At the palace gates during inspections of individuals, one could imagine such exchanges of incantations taking place. Furthermore, the tale of Emperor Jimmu and Nigihayahi-no-mikoto’s divine treasure contest suggested the existence of incantations that had preceded it. It was likely not merely that the bows and arrows granted by the heavenly deities to both parties matched, but that there had existed narrative incantations taking as their theme how these bows and arrows—identical in size and quality—symbolized the spiritual sounds guarding the court. Therefore, even when the central authority among the warriors shifted and the materials used for bows and arrows changed, the custom of preserving the names of the same tribes and same weapons still persisted. That is, the tale of Nigihayahi-no-mikoto expounded the foundational origins of the Mononobe’s sacred duty to guard the court—demonstrating their spiritual power. Therefore, even in matters of spouse selection, it appeared the warriors would utter mediating incantations on behalf of their lord. Prevailing in this ritual declaration of *monoarasoi* would determine their lord’s wife. On one hand, *monoarasoi* also signified warfare. Beyond mere verbal disputes, it involved engaging in conflict with the divine spirits served by opposing women—the high-ranking priestesses of each village community. As an illustration of this, legends concerning marriages between male and female deities—particularly numerous in the Harima Fudoki—had remained. The ritual of self-declaration accompanying marriage proposals remained as an essential condition for commencing warfare until later ages. It was believed that prevailing or being defeated in this ritual declaration between mutual divine spirits would determine the fate of the entire war. For the Mononobe to accomplish their ritual duties, incantations had been a necessary condition. Therefore, it was only natural that the Mononobe—commonly referred to as the Eighty Clans—maintained each clan’s power precisely by transmitting incantations and their derived narrative poems.

Now, speaking of the *toneri* on the other hand, these were summoned individuals intended for temporary service.
In principle, after completing their terms of service, they would return to their home provinces or, by court order, be dispatched to other regions.
And thus, they established *Ōtoneribe*—clan-based administrative units—throughout various areas.
Generally speaking, the *Ōtoneribe* maintained interrelations with the *Hishibu* (Ritual Calendar Department) or *Hiohibe* (Solar Observation Department), overseeing calendrical matters, weather patterns, and annual prayers while leaving traces of having disseminated incantations connected to these responsibilities.
The myth centered on Susanoo-no-Mikoto’s heavenly transgressions is particularly regarded as an epic rendition of the Amatsu Norito—celestial ritual prayers—that were preserved by members of these estate units.
Though the role of *toneri* had transformed by the Heian period, it remains evident that literature distinctive to their tradition still accompanied them.
From the preservation of ceremonial formats presenting *fūzoku-uta* (customary songs), we may discern how they invoked incantations and epics from their native provinces within court rituals to bless the sovereign.
Even when examining the Utakaihajime ceremony—which became the prototype for poetry competitions at the Heian court and endured in formalized practice—one recognizes that female attendants called *uneme*, alongside *toneri*, formed its central participants.

Regarding uneme (court attendants), as I cannot discuss them in detail even in the section on shrine maidens’ lives, I shall briefly outline the key points. Even those called *saibe*—whose official duties and origins remain unclear—were groups centered around uneme after their dismissal; through incantations and epics transmitted from the court, they used their ritual power to guide regional villages spiritually. For example, stories such as that of the Mie Uneme from the *Yūryaku-ki* and the Asakayama Uneme in the *Manyoshu* are thought to possess linguistic traditions meant to appease easily angered yet powerful Visiting Deities.

V. The Performing Arts of Dwarves

Ōmiya’s ritual performers of diminutive stature resounded.
"If it were a jewel, by day I would place it in my hand; by night I would wrap myself in it to sleep" (Kagura-uta-fu).

In parallel with palace attendants, dwarves too had been summoned since early times.
Their significance appeared not merely as court jesters common to royal courts worldwide but still retained some degree of uniqueness.
This was likely nothing more than later being rationalized into the style of advanced countries’ courts.
The ancient form of what were called *Kotoneri* or *Kotoneri Warabe* (young attendants) constituted precisely that.
Generally, dwarves were referred to as *hiki hito* or *hiki udo*, but these were titles used when serving at the court.
Those corresponding to minor attendants (*kotoneri*) were divided into two types—high and low—and the temporary summoning of noble children in particular became known as warabidenjō (youths granted court access).
The fact that people soon forgot these were originally dwarves—small children—and that the tradition’s form transformed could also be explained through other legends concerning Kotoneri no Muraji Susuki※ (with the character 羸’s “sheep” radical replaced by “fruit”).
In contrast to *toneri* attendants, they were *kotoneri* (minor attendants), and to clearly indicate their nature as small children, there seems to have been a practice of calling them “small child *toneri*.”

The aforementioned *Kagura-uta* not only depicted life in earlier times but were also thought to hold a different significance. It was believed they had likely been sung as improvised songs during occasions such as the Gosechi festival and Enzui rituals. The origins of these palace page boys or minor attendants were considered to lie in household spirits. They were regarded as occupying the most crucial role when purifying palace buildings and conferring blessings. The ancient form of this faith found exemplification in legends such as that of the two princes—for whom entertainment songs were performed at Chidori Hosomi’s new chamber banquet in honor of the Visiting Deity Kume no Koshitate. In particular, the notation of “Special Dance” (殊舞) at the end was deemed either a variant spelling of “Dwarf Dance” (侏舞) or a textual error. The interpretation appended here—explaining *tatadzumai* as “the dance of standing and sitting”—was likely mistaken. In the *Nihon Shoki*, the song and dance of the two young princes were recorded with intricate detail. From this perspective, one could discern that minor attendants and dwarves had practiced diverse forms of performing arts.

When addressing Sukunabikona-no-kami—who appears to elucidate the origins of dwarves—there remained numerous aspects requiring discussion alongside his relationship to the Eternal Realm (Tokoyo).

VI. From Shrine Maidens to Court Ladies

Emperor Bestows Upon Shii no Omu an Imperial Poem

Though you declare, “I will not listen,” by your repeated imperial decree to speak, Shii Iha presents [this].
*Tsuyogoto togen* (Manyoshu Anthology)

In truth, according to my old consideration, I had placed the source of Japanese literature solely in the oracles of shrine maidens.
Furthermore, they occupied such an important position in the realm of faith.
However, oracles developed later and cannot be situated in the genesis era of literature.
There were likely cases where what had been the duties of shrine maidens came to be replaced by the ritual work of male shamans.
Alternatively, given the belief that shrine maidens themselves were divine spouses—a notion that led to many instances of conflating deities and shrine maidens—the divine duties they performed for gods became their own ritual work, while abundant traces show that male practitioners’ roles, which enabled them to attain divine status, emerged in parallel.

In Japan, the era when shrine maidens wielded significant influence was both ancient and prolonged. Within the households of the imperial court, nobility, and provincial rulers, shrine maidens existed in great numbers across hierarchical ranks. The highest-ranking shrine maidens from provincial lords and noble families were summoned to the court, where they oversaw multiple tiers of shrine maidens serving the court deities. At court, shrine maidens of the royal clan and those from other clans stood in principled opposition. Over time, those from other clans prospered while their royal counterparts declined. This shift occurred because shrine maidens of the royal clan focused exclusively on serving the court deities—a role that granted them influence in human affairs through their service to the sovereign, who was considered a divine personage. Notably, imperial princesses of that era could not formally marry even until the Heian period, as they were believed to have been born fully endowed with shrine maiden qualifications. Those eligible to join such high-ranking shrine maidens grew markedly scarce outside Ise and Kamo's Saigu and Saien institutions. Those serving the court deities increasingly became individuals summoned from various provinces. Even this arrangement underwent shifts in hierarchical perception across eras. The Uneme—provincial court attendants once broadly honored as great shrine maidens—later came to be regarded as lower in status. However, originally, beyond the highest-ranking shrine maidens, many others had been sent from noble households or offered by provinces. Among these, those who maintained proximity to divine persons rose in status above those engaged solely in ritual affairs. Thus, women from other clans attained higher positions in the rear palace than those of the royal lineage. Further down the hierarchy, female officials who had been Uneme attendants gave rise to servants handling non-ritual duties, while those involved in sacred roles were relegated beneath them. This transformation of faith fundamentally occurred during the early Heian period.

Concerning the royal clan's high-ranking shrine maidens, there existed various traditions; among these, those pertaining to the Saigu (Ise Priestess) included the narrative of Princess Yamatohime journeying in search of sacred grounds—a story that simultaneously established the format for group processions by successive Saigu priestesses.
These various past facts and what was believed became the precepts for high-ranking shrine maidens.
There were those who enabled the perception of such precepts and forged sacred personas.
Those who most markedly developed professional consciousness formed a single be-gumi (professional guild).
There were cases where they existed and others where their form seemed to have remained incomplete, yet the actual existence of the so-called kataribe (reciters) was beyond doubt.
Since the duties of shrine maidens and male shamans often overlapped, there were instances where men were recognized as the primary reciters depending on the region; however, women generally retained the core role of reciters and also served as household heads.
This was the court style.

It was believed that while transmitting incantations and compelling memorization, the kotodama contained within those incantations would act upon imperial princesses and princes under their charge, thereby transforming them into individuals who wielded the incantations' full power.
The ritual work of transmitting traditions to create divine persons—a role held by high-ranking shrine maidens—was a method possessed by lower-ranking shrine maidens.

Not limited to shrine maidens and male shamans, they considered that no power to educate superiors existed in terms of faith; they sought solely to impart the potency of their inherited incantations.
This constituted an unconscious form of language education.
First came reception of the divine spirit enshrined within incantations; second came belief that through epic narratives, the lives of outstanding men and women latent within those words would transfer into their own beings; third came spontaneous generation of knowledge itself.
In this manner, these practices gradually acquired educational significance.
Simultaneously, shrine maidens from various houses and provinces serving at court performed spellcraft, incantations, and epic poetry passed down through their respective households and regions.
This became the driving force behind court literature's development.
Thus did transmissions preserved by various clans become wholly interwoven with court traditions.
Beyond permanent Uneme attendants, temporarily summoned shrine maidens persisted even into the Heian period.
Nakatomi women and Mononobe women numbered among these.
Furthermore, shrine maidens hailing from Yamato—the court's seat—were designated Great Shrine Maidens.
These too likely engaged in nurturing court traditions through ritual work.
Though not formally termed kataribe, one discerns that these shrine maidens' duties paralleled those reciters'.
Foremost among those engaging in kataribe-like functions stood the Sarume clan.
Narratives connected to Ame-no-Uzume-no-mikoto—venerated as the Sarume's ancestral deity—could indeed be said to have been transmitted by this clan.
Even excluding every Jindai no maki event unrelated to Ame-no-Uzume-no-mikoto, most court traditions still owed their preservation to Sarume transmissions.
The Sarume clan's traditions endured through narratives associated with soul-pacifying rites—traced to Ame-no-Uzume-no-mikoto—and corresponding soul-pacifying songs.
Not solely the Sarume but later kataribe generally recited narratives explaining origins behind potent soul-pacifying songs.
Yet inversely considered, this inversion arose through decline of kataribe themselves and other court rituals; originally, kataribe narrated epic poems from which songs emerged as constituent elements.

Those who were high-ranking shrine maidens while performing an educational role that granted qualifications to become princess-deities indeed became the court ladies of later eras.
Therefore, it appears there were both men and women among the kataribe.
Both my predecessors and I had believed the kataribe consisted solely of women—a view requiring some correction.
While ancient village lifestyles commonly became unified into the court, one cannot claim all were identical.
They still preserved their distinct forms.
Nevertheless, it remains beyond dispute that such ritual work was predominantly women's domain.

In connection with the etymology of *kataribe* (reciters), I wish to briefly address the distinction between *kataru* (to narrate) and *utafu* (to chant).
To chant was lyric poetry; to narrate meant reciting epic poetry.
I believe examples of the conjugated form *katarau*—derived from *kataru*—provide this implication.
*Katarau* signifies using language to instill infection and foster shared emotions.
Thus I maintain that *kataru* and *katari*, within ancient people's faith system, denoted the weathering away of souls.

To briefly reiterate what I had previously stated: many people posited that kotodama meant a divine spirit lurked within each individual word. But this was a misunderstanding. Just as kotoba ("words") and kotonoha ("leaves of language") stood in opposition, so too did koto ("ritualized events") differ from mere kotoba. The term *koto* referred to continuous sequences of recited invocations and ritual incantations—alongside epic poetry derived from such chants. Even terminology describing incantations said to contrast with narration adhered fundamentally to this principle. Kotodama was understood as the divine spirit lying dormant within incantations; through their recitation, it awakened into activity. They believed this spirit inhabited even fragmented incantations reshaped into proverbs and the lyrical "songs" constituting parts of epics. In essence, without forming a text bearing complete meaning, there could exist no kotodama.

At the very least, the Okinawans—who diverged from the same lineage as the Japanese people—did not instruct their king.
This became the reason why Japan and Okinawa diverged in their historical destinies.
Consequently, Okinawa produced both exceptionally capable kings and foolish ones.
This carries an ominous implication even within accounts found in texts like the Nihon Shoki.
In Japan, while one could not formally educate the sovereign, he was compelled to memorize—or at least hear—the sacred words.
Through this process of education, an instructional mana—a foreign soul—took hold of him.
It may be said that Confucian education for emperors and royal lineages began around the late Asuka period.
The systematization of literary compositions in our national language may likewise be said to have commenced during the Heian period.
These two educational approaches produced works like Minamoto no Shitagō's Wamyōshō and Minamoto no Tamenori's Kuchizusami.
Examining women's contributions too, works like Sei Shōnagon's Pillow Book did not emerge by chance alone—many similar texts existed.
They diligently taught words requiring memorization—now expanded beyond songs and proverbs to include individual vocabulary.
Having stories read aloud and practicing penmanship all formed part of these educational methods.
The practices of writing phrases for recitation and providing pictorial explanations may likewise be understood as developing from this same foundation.

For practical purposes here, I would like to trace back from the Heian period.

What first draws attention is that poems like those of Naniwa-zu and Mount Asaka were used for penmanship practice, while collections such as Sone Yoshitada’s show their further development.
When considering *te-narai* (penmanship), people naturally think of both hands, but this “*te*” likely held particular significance.
We contemplate the “hand” in calligraphy, yet even in music and dance, the term “hand” was actively employed.
In essence, it was a concept tied to the soul—when the soul inhabited the body, it activated a physical part deemed “*te*,” with this manifested part being conceptualized as the hand.
To perfect this, one had to master it through practice.
While training their hands, they listened to readings and read aloud themselves.
Through these three approaches, they strove to refine their souls.
Many court ladies distanced themselves from actual rituals among the Uneme attendants, instead serving as guardians for the sovereign—those undergoing kami initiation—and other dignitaries.
The activities of these individuals became the driving force behind Heian literature’s development.
Their purpose lay in teaching matters essential for members of the royal house and nobility.
To phrase it in archaic terms, they believed such knowledge enabled one to maintain position and demonstrate capability.
Thus even in the Heian period, they continued using provincial folk songs, proverbs, and formulaic phrases as educational material.
These women also engaged in various other duties.
Regarding matters relevant to posterity, they kept diaries recording songs and tales within them.
Among inherited tasks remaining in this era was their verbatim transcription of imperial decrees for semi-official promulgation.
This clearly illustrates ancient court women’s official responsibilities.
From this perspective, shrine maidens who matured into what later eras called court ladies remained attached to sovereigns and nobles, transmitting sacred words as *mikotomochi*.
That imperial edicts were issued through women’s mouths and hands aligns with ancient customs.
This gradually transformed until passing through Daijōkan channels became considered official procedure.

Moreover, even the simplest ancient forms persisted until later times.

As I have previously stated, the number of incantations was originally extremely limited; however, as society progressed, special circumstances began arising even in regular ceremonies—let alone during extraordinary occasions when various events would occur.
Thus did incantations gradually multiply.
When issuing these pronouncements, the role of *mikotomochi*—those who conveyed sacred words—was fundamentally held by women.
Later stylistic changes saw these practices committed to writing, with court ladies eventually composing texts themselves upon receiving the sovereign’s directives.
To trace this developmental path requires recognizing an unbroken succession of eras that perpetually reiterated identical incantations.
Yet those who handled major external sacred matters necessarily had to be men.
Nevertheless, certain words required His Majesty’s personal proclamation due to their status as rituals dating back to the Age of the Gods.
This aspect simplifies matters.
From this perspective, the poetic exchange between the Empress and Shii Ōbā cited at this chapter’s outset demonstrates how such women served the sovereign from childhood through adulthood.
We may consider that the kataribe’s own compositions contained incantations, songs, and proverbs alike.
For instance, examining the *Izumo Fudoki* account where Kataribe Inamaro petitioned heavenly deities after a *wani* seized his daughter reveals unmistakably how incantations transmitted among Izumo’s kataribe gradually evolved into epic poetry.
One crucial addition remains: the imperial court’s organization differed significantly from ritual practices observed in many ancient Japanese village communities.

It was unreasonable to regard court customs as representative of all ancient Japan．To give an example：outside court circles，talented men were often ritual effigies，while within court，humans were employed．Simultaneously，institutions like *kataribe*—predominantly female，as noted earlier—appeared most pronounced within court structures．

The incantation-based literature transmitted by *kataribe* gradually came to reach His Majesty and others．Over time，it acquired historical substance and began incorporating assertions framing its contents as factual past events．At this juncture，temporal discrepancies emerged．Japanese literature teemed with contradictions—acknowledging narratives as historical yet experiencing them viscerally as present．This serene acceptance of anachronism defined Japanese literature．Concurrently，geographical anachronism—a historically significant if unflattering trait—proliferated．

When bearers of sacred words carried court-chanted incantations to provinces，identical efficacy manifested；thus those lands felt imbued with inaugural proclamations．Such errors originated fundamentally from faith in heaven-earth unity，established through sacred words entrusted to the Sovereign．This manifested through appending modifiers—“heavenly (*ama*-)，”“celestial (*amatsu*-)，”“divine (*ame no*)”—to terrestrial matters．

In examining ancient Japanese literature, it is crucial to consider three aspects: the ideology of bearers of sacred words, and the transcendence of both time and geography.

Now, the further back we go into ancient times, the more the sovereign was required to memorize incantations and other ancient transmitted texts. This was because the sovereign was both a divine-human and a deity itself. The sovereign’s proclamations and the lengthy words of those bearing sacred transmissions inversely led to an extension in the words from the receiving side—that is, from petitioners or submitters. The reason lay in how submitters’ words took form by incorporating and repeating phrases from the sovereign’s edicts. At the same time, those submitting came to recount at length their own ancestors’ histories—or in modern terms, their professional lineages—detailing how they first began serving the court. This practice gradually developed among households. Thus, with each ritual occasion, they would repeat these accounts in rotation. From this perspective too, we can trace the history of incantations. The volume of words presented in subjects’ petitions eventually surpassed those proclaimed by the sovereign himself. As far as we can ascertain, this outcome explains why texts like the Engishiki Norito—though retaining forms resembling imperial proclamations—contain elements characteristic of petitions when viewed holistically. I will address these matters further in the final chapter; here, I shall briefly conclude my discussion on shrine maidens.

It could be said that shrine maidens served not so much as bearers of sacred words but rather as those who ensured the sacred words were never interrupted. In other words, in village communities outside the court, men in such roles were called *tone*. By contrast, within the court, they were termed Himetone. This would correspond to Myōbu. As later eras unfolded, it increasingly came to be expressed through the word “adult.”

VII. The Significance of the Kugyō

During the late lord’s period of ritual garments, when he was to attend the Great Purification on the thirtieth day of the Sixth Month, the young lord of the office—deeming the direction inauspicious—graciously proceeded to the morning court of the official chambers. […] As dusk fell and darkness mingled, all those who had passed time there gathered and came forth to observe at the Right Guards’ encampment; though some were seen frolicking boisterously and laughing, such conduct was not permitted.
When the Kugyō had taken their seats with due ceremony, ladies-in-waiting ascended [the premises] and damaged all the shōji screens where female officials and others were seated; though some showed distress at this, they paid no heed. (*The Pillow Book*)

As previously discussed, the term *Kugyō* also remained in use during the Heian period; through this term, we can glimpse conditions predating the Nara era.
“Kamudachi” needless to say refers to a divine hall; when written in characters, ※（广+寺）is used.
Judging by common usage, ※（广＋寺）refers to a place where those participating in festivals seclude themselves; in folk terms, it corresponds to the headman’s house.
It refers to the place where those who become kami seclude themselves to undergo purification.
In the Heian period, the term *kamudachime* undoubtedly carried only an associative connection to the characters for *Kugyō* (high-ranking nobles). However, in ancient times, since people viewed the court during festivals as a kamudachi (※ [广+寺])—a place where they were stationed—they were called *Kugyō*.
To that extent, the court had many annual rituals.
Later, the composition of the Kugyō would change; but in our understanding, the term *Kugyō* did not denote a restriction to court nobles of the third rank and above, but rather indicated a broader scope—and above them existed what were called *Omi*.
In contrast to this, there existed the Omi.
The Omi were Ōimi (Great Taboo Officers); in contrast to His Majesty, who became a deity while simultaneously serving as host, they secluded themselves in the court and lived ascetically to occupy the position of assisting in these duties.
The Koimi (Minor Taboo Officers), on the other hand, were people directly involved in the minutiae of rituals, and the saigomonoimi (utmost ritual abstinence) they observed was of the strictest nature.
The Omi were what are called subjects, but even when positioned within the court, they were people whose authority was recognized up to a certain point.
When considering ancient literature and history, one must not conceive of subjects in their present state.
This subject assists the Son of Heaven while possessing the qualification to serve as the nurturing parent of the imperial offspring in their youth.
For this reason, power struggles arose among the Omi; while their general designation was “Omi,” their core identities were as Muraji, Sukune, and Ason.

In the households of these “omi,” there existed ancient traditional literature that had been passed down. That was precisely what were referred to as Jugo (Congratulatory Addresses). In the meaning conceived until later ages, they were considered to renew their pledge of submission to His Majesty and to celebrate his life and wealth. However, while there were some doubts regarding their etymology, households transmitted such texts and referred to them as heavenly *norito*. The fact that the Saibe unreflectively referred to them repeatedly as *heavenly norito* arose from such circumstances. The heavenly *norito* had as their primary significance the recitation made while serving His Majesty as one’s own foster lord; their transformed usage—uttering ancient formulae to offer food, present sake, and promote health—constituted their secondary significance. Thus, together they were referred to as the *Jugo* of the Heavenly Deities. Besides this, they possessed several other types of *Jugo* and must have distinguished them from this one. However, while some scholars conversely argued for the existence of Jugo for earthly deities, I find no basis to believe in them.

At times, it appears that such Jugo served to represent His Majesty’s lineage.
In other words, it is a form of narrative that recounts the interweaving of genealogies between retainer households with special connections and the royal clan.
This constitutes one subdivision among incantation categories.
It is believed such orally transmitted genealogies existed within the court; however, when inferred from *Kojiki*, *Nihon Shoki*, and *Shoku Nihongi*, vassals’ genealogies appear to have formed the foundation for organizing the court’s lineage.
For example, from Izumo genealogies and funeral eulogies recited by retainers—which resemble both genealogies and Congratulatory Addresses—such connections can be inferred.
In essence, what originated within the court transferred to subjects, flourished among them, then returned—following ancient belief’s cyclical pattern.
Historical records compiled through our nation’s traditions are thought to derive primarily from accounts organized by these Congratulatory Addresses.
To state plainly: Congratulatory Addresses expound service bonds to the court—they consist of Heavenly Deities’ Jugo and oral genealogies.

Another crucial point that must not be overlooked was that these retainers simultaneously served as leaders of private estates (*kaki-be*) and administrators of imperial guard units (*tomobe*). Therefore, they possessed authority to proclaim proclamatory addresses—which were Congratulatory Addresses (*Jugo*) directed at the court—to their subordinates. I believe such elements perished earliest without leaving traces. Only in so-called genealogies could their vestiges faintly be discerned. When considering instances where subordinates held court commands through intermediaries—neither being Jugo nor mere imperial edicts—they necessarily adopted special forms since retainers personally received directives from court before transmitting them downward. This constituted what was called *Chingo-no-kotoba* (Prayers for Protection and Stability). In this sense,*Engishiki Norito*, though repeatedly misidentified as Jugo while assuming Chingo-no-kotoba forms,came to be enshrined within norito themselves.Ultimately,*Chingo-no-kotoba* disrupted norito during antiquity-to-modernity transition,and this element increasingly flourished.

VIII. The Concept of Court Norito

(I) …*Ihaihenji Kamuyogoto*…[they] conducted the ritual offerings as prescribed…[and] offered up the *Ametsutsugite no Kamuyogoto*.
*(Izumo Kuni no Miyatsuko Kamuyogoto)*

(II) …From sunset until sunrise, with the Heavenly Norito’s Grand Norito Words, proclaim [the rites].
...the Imperial Deities too, through a thousand and five hundred autumns of mutual offerings, mutually offering the Uzu-no-Himatsuri, in Kakiwa and Tokiwa, ritually serve... (*Nakatomi Jugo*)

(III) The auspicious sacred rope fashioned and reverently served as the heavenly canopy and solar canopy of the Imperial Grandchild’s augustness—through Nunakawane-no-mikoto wielding the Heavenly Kigo Words (archaically read as *Kusushi Iwahikoto*)—[we] humbly pronounce celebratory words to prolong life and pacify… (*Daijosai Norito*)

The etymology of *norito* was half-known and half-elusive.
Therefore, regarding this matter，there were various theories.
However，they amounted to nothing more than rational interpretations based on modern linguistic sensibilities.
I wished to thoroughly investigate the phrase “Ōnori to Kotoba of the heavenly *norito*” as its most fundamental formal expression.
This term referred to words denoting either ritual styles or their ceremonial apparatus within ancient faith，ultimately seeming equivalent to what we might call a “ritual seat.”
That is，the heavenly *norito* signified sacred platforms that issued imperial edicts identical to those from the divine celestial realm.
The expression that further extolled this sacred space was *Ōnori-to*.
Within that space，the august words proclaimed by His Majesty constituted Ōnori-to Kotoba.
Thus，I concluded that *noritogoto* formed the original lexical root of *nori*，with associative additions of *to* and *kotoba* eventually leading to the elision of *kotoba* from *nori to kotoba*，resulting in *norito*.
This made clear that *norito* inherently belonged to both the Son of Heaven and the Heavenly Deities.
When these *norito*—abbreviated from what we call *nori* and *kotoba*—are proclaimed，the realm enters its first spring while simultaneously returning to heaven and earth’s primordial dawn.
Moreover，as these *norito* proliferated，confusion between Congratulatory Addresses and Prayers for Protection and Stability intensified.
Therefore，while we may accept Engishiki’s uniform classification of these disparate elements as *norito*，we must simultaneously recognize—from *norito*’s own historical perspective—that this categorization represented an extremely recent development.

Now, such *norito* came to be recited in part, and this partial recitation began to be regarded as possessing the same efficacy as reciting them in their entirety. It is something like the *Nakatomi Purification Ritual*, which could be utilized in both extended and abbreviated forms. This occurred for the same reason that Jugo gave rise to proverbs and epic poetry gave rise to songs.

IX. Proverbs and Songs

(I) As the common proverb states: “At the gatherings of Mount Tsukuba’s peak, those who fail to present betrothal gifts shall have neither sons nor daughters.”
(Hitachi Fudoki)

(II) A folk proverb states: “Black clouds hang over Mount Tsukuba, soaking sleeves and drenching the land.”
(Same)

In the Saibe norito and, on rare occasions, the Nakatomi norito, those portions referred to as heavenly norito were elements inserted during the oral recitation of the norito. When reaching that portion, it seems they would perform a kind of sorcery. Therefore, as words that brought about profoundly mysterious results, they were forbidden to be divulged to others. In its true meaning, I believe it should not be called heavenly norito but rather what are termed proverbs. Later, even without reciting the full norito, it came to be considered that by orally reciting those portions alone, they could bring forth the full efficacy of the entire norito. This proverb gradually diverged into two forms: those that became completely obscure ritualistic elements and those that transformed into societal knowledge. And while the latter comes to possess didactic significance, this is by no means a new development. Moreover, such proverbs themselves had already been influenced by epic poetry. To rephrase: even after passing through the incantation period in which they originated and entering the epic poetry period, there continued to emerge new elements—so much so that one could say they carried historical content precisely because they were influenced by epic poetry. In some cases, it appeared that elements which had been lost even earlier were later supplemented with epic narrative contexts. If we examine the most peculiar proverbs, we find those forming ancient makurakotoba (pillow words) linked to place and personal names—this demonstrates how in antiquity, the praise of lands and people constituted the very essence of incantations. On the other hand, from such proverbs arose what are called riddles. In Japanese literature, what remains relatively overlooked is the category of riddles from antiquity. This is something I would like to present as a question for general consideration.

The stylistic form of proverbs was generally composed of even-numbered phrases, with their primary distinction from the songs I am about to discuss lying in their lack of call-and-response structure.
And so, songs primarily tended toward odd-numbered phrases.

Through this brief essay, I attempted to connect my work to that of my teacher Professor Yanagita Kunio, whose paper was being published concurrently in the same series; however, before I could discuss the song that should have served as its culmination, I found there was no space left.
Therefore, I must limit myself to appending these remarks here in an extremely conceptual manner.

Just as with proverbs, songs came to be regarded as the most essential and revered portions of those epics transformed from incantations; I believe elements not originally contained within ancient epics were likely gradually inserted over time. Due to the practical demands of oral transmission, many lost their call-and-response structure; yet in reality, they had no choice but to adopt such forms. However, fundamentally speaking, what developed within epic poetry structured like proverbs were songs themselves. Moreover, such elements had already become visible within incantations themselves. That dialogues occurred between reciters and recipients during the portions called "heavenly *norito*" can be understood through the existence of what are termed *kaeshi norito* (ritual responses) or ceremonial repetitions within *norito*. Even when examining the *norito* of the Engishiki, the so-called Shōi (Wototonafu) sections still follow this pattern. These elements thus generated gradually gained momentum along the path of transforming incantations into epics while differentiating themselves. Therefore, through singing songs, people could anticipate achieving the same effects as reciting entire epics and incantations. When feeling uncertain about this efficacy, they believed that orally reciting the epic to which a song belonged would reliably produce results—exactly as I previously explained. Songs beginning with such call-and-response structures progressed through this interactive format while simultaneously adopting a layered compositional approach—namely the linked-song form. However, regarding the path through which songs became independent—though this represents only one aspect of causation—we can identify the most pertinent factor. During dances where shamans became divinely possessed, while chanting incantations or epics, the dancers themselves would transform into principal deities or figures and begin singing. That is to say, they developed through adopting a form of chanting style. While this constitutes part of the reason behind songs' emergence, its primary role appears to have been providing motivation for creating independent songs after their initial formation.

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Japanese literature—at least in the period I discuss—was not literature. It was without exception a religious ritual. In their significance as transmissions of the Visiting Deities' words, they were sustained over a period during which they became fixed, shed elements, and underwent transformation and modification. Moreover, with the addition of historical consciousness, epic poetry emerged; their fragmented forms became proverbs and songs, and within the realm of songs they achieved remarkable development. Ultimately, the earliest literature took the form of metrical texts. Yet when perceived through modern sensibilities, there initially existed incantations that seemed closer to prose. These became epic poetry and came to be what should be called pure metrical texts. Within incantations (*jumon*) arose distinctions between *norito* (ritual prayers), *jugo* (celebratory invocations), and *chingo-no-kotoba* (pacification formulas); furthermore, in contrast to *norito*, *senmyo* (imperial edicts)—closer to their original form—came to stand in opposition. Rather than what we now call *norito*, it is *senmyo* that contains more elements characteristic of ritual prayers.

In songs, they began from call-and-response structures to become short *chōka*; these then underwent complete transformations from the form of short *chōka* that diverged into two parts.
The forms most convenient for us to initially set as objects of observation are the *katauta* and *sedōka*; however, we cannot state that these directly constitute the original forms of Japanese song.

Our literature had existed since before this land came into being; therefore, we must absolutely avoid using the term "primitive." As long poems gradually grew longer and creative intent came to be applied to them, simultaneously—from the demands of vocal performance—short poems began to be conceived within long poems. The motivation behind tanka's establishment was simultaneously being fostered within katauta as well. This newest form of tanka—which had appeared most suited to our people’s way of life even into modern times—seems to have come into clear formal consciousness from the late Asuka period through the Fujiwara era.

In my thesis, the section I wished to explore with greater depth concerned literature's relationship with the class responsible for its transmission and production, along with the process through which literary consciousness and appreciation were cultivated.
But now, I simply do not have the capacity for that.