Pathway to Japanese Literature

*Title: Yōkai Gentan*

Preface

From childhood I delighted in hearing tales of supernatural phenomena; upon reaching adulthood sought to investigate their underlying principles; and in collecting factual accounts had now devoted five years to this endeavor.
Though I could not know how many hundreds of letters from across the provinces had piled upon my desk to that day, among them all, the one strange phenomenon that everyone—high and low alike, urban and rural—was then chattering about was none other than Kokkuri.
Those of medium education and below, being ignorant of its true nature, solely attributed this phenomenon to fox-spirits and divine beings, while those of medium education and above, though disbelieving such explanations, still classified it as a type of supernatural mystery due to their inability to comprehend its underlying mechanisms.
Consequently, the ignorant masses' blind belief in this grew more intense with each passing day, and the harmful effects arising from this were by no means minor.
Therefore I believed that academically clarifying its principles to dispel public confusion was essential to the present progress of civilization, and herein elucidated the causes and circumstances of Kokkuri to form this first volume of *Yōkai Gentan*.

The table of contents is as follows.

Part One: General Discussion

Part Two: Methods of Kokkuri

Part Three: Transmission of Kokkuri

Part Four: Causes of Kokkuri

Authored in Early May, Meiji 20 (1887)

Part One: General Discussion

Section One

Whether we speak of East or West in space, or past and present in time—among all phenomena of the universe’s material and mental realms—there exist those that defy interpretation through ordinary logic.
These are called supernatural phenomena or referred to as inexplicable mysteries.
These so-called supernatural phenomena and inexplicable mysteries manifest in numerous varieties—though I cannot know exactly how many exist in contemporary society—and I shall provisionally classify them into two major categories.
Namely, the first category consists of those arising from the inner world; the second category comprises those manifesting in the outer world.
Furthermore, those arising from the inner world divide into two types: those deliberately performed through the mediation of others, and those that arise spontaneously from one’s own mind and body.
Therefore, I shall divide supernatural phenomena into the following three categories.

First category: Those manifesting in the outer world

Ghosts; fox-spirits; tengu; dog deities; curses; and various other strange phenomena

Second category: Those performed through the mediation of others

Mediums and shamans; spirit possession; physiognomy; ink divination; divination; prophecy; prayer; mind-reading; hypnotism; and other illusionary arts

Third category: Those arising from one's own mind and body

Dreams; somnambulism; divine revelation; coincidence; folk beliefs; reincarnation; madness; and other mental illnesses.

This should be illustrated by means of the table on the right or the diagram on the left.

┌Outer world (ghosts, fox-spirits, etc.)

Supernatural phenomena┤┌Others (mediums, spirit possession, etc.)

└Inner world┤

└Self (dreams, somnambulism, etc.)

Now, by "outer world" I mean the material world before my eyes; by "inner world" I mean the mental realm within my body.
Namely, while dreams, somnambulism, and such phenomena naturally arise from fluctuations in mental states, practices like shamanic rituals and spirit possession also belong to the inner world here, as they bear direct relation to mental operations.

Section Two

The methods for interpreting the causes of these several types of supernatural phenomena differed greatly between ancient and modern times.
This variance arose from differences in people’s intellectual capacities and the eras in which they lived.
The ancient ignorant believed that all things possessed their own spirits that manifested strange phenomena, or adhered to the doctrine of dual selves—positing that a single body contained two distinct selves: one residing steadfastly in one place while the other moved about elsewhere to produce uncanny effects—yet never inquired into their underlying causes.
As human knowledge gradually advanced, people first posited the existence of a distinct spiritual entity beyond all things and asserted that strange phenomena arose through its mediation or mystical interaction—yet they still failed to prove its causes in accordance with physical laws.

However, in today’s age, they came to understand the necessity of providing proof in accordance with the principles of physics, chemistry, and other sciences, and thereby reached interpretations grounded in ordinary logic.
In summary, there have been approximately three periods throughout history regarding the interpretation of supernatural phenomena.
Namely:

The first: attributing their cause to another entity existing within all individual entities.

The second: attributing their cause to heavenly deities existing outside all individual entities.

The third: attributing their cause to the laws of nature.

These are they.

The causes determined through this third period’s interpretive method further divided into three types.

The first type: causes arising solely from the outer world

The second type: causes arising solely from the inner world

The third type: causes arising from the interaction of both inner and outer worlds

First, to provide examples of the first category: fox-fire, demon-lights, mirages, and other phenomena such as those termed Echigo’s Seven Mysteries—these referred to those arising from physical or chemical transformative processes.
Second category examples included dreams，madness，ghosts，and hypnosis—phenomena arising from human mental functions.
Third category examples included divination, prophecy, divine revelation, coincidence, and similar phenomena—these referred to those arising from the interaction between outer world circumstances and inner world mental functions.
However, this established distinctions only in broad terms.
If one were to enumerate these details and consider them carefully, most of what people called supernatural phenomena would have necessarily belonged to this third category—those arising from the interaction of both inner and outer worlds.
That is to say, even phenomena arising solely from the outer world—such as fox-fire or demon-lights—gained heightened strangeness through the addition of human mental functions; while those arising solely from the inner world—such as dreams—undoubtedly emerged not only from the material conditions composing the cerebral matter but also through various external inducements.
This was what was termed as arising from circumstances of the outer world.

Section Three

As stated above, while most supernatural phenomena arose from the interaction of both inner and outer worlds, divination and prophecy in particular were those wherein circumstances of the outer world correlated with functions of the inner world.
For instance, when divining a person's future fortune, if one examined various circumstances—their habitual disposition, conduct, education, reputation, familial relations, and societal standing—it followed that one could determine the good or ill fortune awaiting them; thus diviners or prophets came to declare their future fate by weighing these factors.
This constituted what was termed as arising from circumstances of the outer world.
Moreover, when individuals deeply believed what diviners or prophets proclaimed, through faith's power they increasingly perceived these divinations as infallible.
This constituted what was termed as arising from the inner world's operations.
In recent times there existed a type of illusionary art practiced among commoners.
It was called Kokkuri, represented by the characters 狐狗狸 (fox, dog, raccoon dog).
Some reportedly used the term "Kokuri" (告理).
This practice—conducted through human hands—would naturally fall under Section One's second category when considering its type, yet its underlying causes arose from interactions between outer world circumstances and inner world functions.
Therefore it belonged under Section Two's third category.

Section Four

Though Kokkuri first entered common practice merely two or three years prior, by now there remained no corner of society untouched by this method; those who attempted it came to believe all matters—from great fortunes and misfortunes down to the slightest trifles—must be divined through its use, thereby breeding frequent harms.

From what I heard, while it once flourished mightily within Osaka Prefecture, police stations—having witnessed the consequent evils—reportedly moved to prohibit it.

Through observing its recent proliferation across various regions, I too came to recognize these detrimental effects were far from negligible.

As one instance among many: a man near Shimoda in Izu posed to Kokkuri whether his wife kept a lover; upon receiving affirmation, he straightaway commanded her divorce.

Such cases proved hardly confined to one or two occurrences.

Within the pages of the newly circulated Meikyo Shinshi appeared a missive contributed by one Mr. Mita.

Its contents stated:

I visited a certain household one evening and witnessed a group of old and young, men and women gathered to perform the ritual game of Kokkuri-sama. At that time, when they inquired about various matters, six or seven out of ten seemed accurate. However, one of those present remarked: “While past matters are mostly accurate, future ones prove difficult to predict.” Be that as it may, there was a sick person (lying in a separate room) in the household. When they inquired about the sick person’s survival, Kokkuri reported, “They will die on a certain month and day this year.” Then the unmarried woman present asked about her marriage date, to which it answered, “You will marry within this year, and your husband will be handsome.” Another person asked, “I intend to purchase land. Will there be profit or not?” It answered, “There will.” When those three or four individuals inquired about their future wealth or poverty, it answered, “All would prosper,” and though I was among them, I naturally did not believe this. If the public were to believe in this and it were to become widely popular, the harmful consequences would be too numerous to enumerate. It is my most fervent hope that noble-minded individuals will swiftly investigate its principles and enlighten those steeped in superstition.

As this account made clear, Kokkuri was akin to a children's game. When observing its recent proliferation within the prefecture, one saw students gathering at boarding houses on holiday evenings—several individuals posing diverse questions to make it their evening amusement—while in town, people often frolicked with Kokkuri amidst singing, dancing, and musical accompaniment. Was this not truly the height of ludicrousness?

Section Five

I foresaw its harmful consequences and resolved to research this phenomenon to dispel the delusions of the ignorant masses. Since last year I gathered reports from various regions to investigate its circumstances, personally conducted experiments to analyze its causes, and have now clarified why the public believes in it. Here I shall expound its principles in hopes of enlightening those same ignorant masses to some degree.
This constitutes the reason I compiled these matters into the first volume of *Yōkai Gentan*.
Now in undertaking to discuss this, I must establish an orderly sequence.
Therefore I shall first explain its method, second describe its transmission, and third discuss its causes.

Part Two: On the Method of Kokkuri

Section Six

According to reports I had gathered from various regions, the method of Kokkuri appeared to lack uniformity, varying from one locality to another.
I would now present two or three reports below to demonstrate their methods.
First, according to a letter received last year from Mr.Yamada of Nakano-kata Village, Emi District, Mino Province, it stated:

In Nagoya, Gifu, and throughout the Ono region, there arose since early this spring a phenomenon that temporarily spread everywhere—one which people called Kokkuri or Honorable Tilting. They prepared three fresh bamboo sticks measuring approximately forty-three point nine centimeters in length, bound them into a tripod at the center with cordage, and placed a rice tub lid atop it. Three people sat facing each other from three directions, each lightly pressing the lid with one or both hands. One among them fervently repeated the incantation: “Kokkuri-sama, Kokkuri-sama, descend upon us, descend upon us—come now, descend quickly!” After chanting thus for roughly ten minutes, when they said, “If you have descended, we humbly beg you to tilt toward Person A,” the lid tilted in Person A’s direction while lifting the opposing bamboo legs. At this point, all three lightly lifted their hands, allowing the lid to remain detached for approximately five minutes. After this point, anyone among the three could ask various questions. That is to say, when they inquired, “What is their age? Let one tilt equal ten years—we humbly beg you to tilt toward Person B or Person C,” if the subject was in their thirties, it tilted three times; if in their fifties, five times. When inquiring about fractions, similarly, each tilt represented one year. Furthermore, if they said, “Do you favor or disfavor the Jinku dance? If you favor it, we humbly request you turn left,” then should you favor it, it rotated; should you disfavor it, it remained still. At this time as well, the hands floated. When changing between left and right rotations, even if one requested the Honorable Tilting however many times, it was not without effect—indeed, it proved effective. Furthermore, whether one asked about any number or inquired into any matter, if it was known, there was invariably an answer. As for Jinku dances, Kappore dances, or any favored style—even if the three participants were amateurs—the tripod danced amusingly in time with the performers’ rhythm. At this time as well, the hands floated lightly. When a bystander had something they wished to inquire about, they made their request to one of the three participants. Also, even if bystanders themselves attempted to take over [the pressing], it was entirely at their discretion. Even scholars who experimented with this found themselves at a loss to explain its underlying principles. Even if they did not remain silent, they answered only through names. There was no viable explanation.

I desired to research this phenomenon and visited various locations to test how people performed it. I found that those with weak belief could press the lid for thirty minutes without any movement; when three individuals—men and women—participated together, it moved readily; in well-ventilated spaces that refreshed the spirit, movement was delayed; and when covering the tub lid with a furoshiki cloth, it moved even more readily.

**Section Seven**

Furthermore, according to a report by a certain Mr. Maejima of Ota Town, Ibaraki Prefecture, it states:

[Omitted text] They cut bamboo sticks to lengths of either nine sun and three bu or seven sun and three bu, positioned all three with their nodes at the center, wrapped hemp around that point seven and a half times, placed a rice tub lid without a metal rim atop it, inscribed the three characters for "Kokkuri" inside the lid, and established as a rule that an odd number of hands must be placed upon the lid.

Next, regarding its method of use: several people sat around it and, using truly reverent language, said, "Kokkuri-sama, should you have deigned to come, we humbly request you to rotate quickly."

At that moment, both the placed lid and the hands lightly resting upon it rotated either to the left or right in response to our requests.

For example, when inquiring about a person's age—

When they said, "Do you know how old so-and-so is? If you do, we humbly request you turn to the left," both the lid and hands rotated leftward.

At that point, when they asked, "Is it in their teens or twenties? If teens, turn to the right; if twenties, to the left," then if it was in their teens, it would rotate to the right.

If at that time they asked, "Is it in their teens—specifically between ten and nineteen—or eleven years old?" then if it was eleven years old, it moved; if it was not eleven years old, it did not move.

When using this method to inquire into the nature of good or ill fortune, they rotated it to the right or left and thereby obtained their answer.

Furthermore, according to a report by Mr. Teramoto of Iizuka Village, Katori District, Chiba Prefecture:

Recently in remote areas, practitioners performed what they called Kokkuri: cutting three slender bamboo sticks to twelve sun each (~36 cm), binding them seven times with hemp slightly below center, placing a tray or rice tub lid atop them, covering it with cloth, and having three people position their hands from three directions. After a short while, they proclaimed a deity's descent, then claimed this device answered all inquiries without fail—be they about misfortunes, fortunes, or any matter—thereby deluding ignorant men and women. Believers multiplied daily, now firmly convinced this was deities' true work, their delusions proving difficult to dispel through ordinary means.

(Omitted text) Some argued this resulted from electrical action, yet such explanations remained difficult to accept, et cetera.

**Section Eight**

Furthermore, according to a report by Mr. Gotō of Tsuchiura Town, Hitachi Province: "They inscribed the three characters for Kokkuri (狐狗狸) on the underside of a tray using fingertips, draped a furoshiki-like cloth over it, and applied fire struck from flint," et cetera.
According to a report by Mr. Yumoto of Takai District, Shinano Province: "Take three bamboo sticks each measuring one shaku five sun (~45.5 cm) in length, align their nodes uniformly, cut a cord to one shaku five sun (~45.5 cm), then bind the three bamboo sticks together approximately one shaku (~30.3 cm) up from their bases," et cetera.
Furthermore, according to a report from an anonymous informant: "In the Osaka region, they use bamboo sticks each measuring one shaku five sun (~45.5 cm), bound with left-twisted hemp cord. [Omitted text] When rubbing the bamboo legs while chanting 'Honorable Kokkuri-sama' three times, they claim it manifests various strange occurrences," et cetera.
Furthermore, according to a report by Mr. Shibagaki of Mashiki District, Higo Province: should there be any minor differences from the aforementioned methods, they are presented below.

[Omitted text] They cut three female bamboo stalks with nodes intact to a length of 1 shaku 4 sun 4 bu by kujirajaku (≈43.9 cm), then bound them with hemp cord at a point three-tenths from the top and seven-tenths from the bottom of their total length.
The cord’s length also measured one shaku four sun four bu (approximately 43.9 cm).
They arranged these three bamboo stalks into a tripod shape, placed a basin upside down atop them, and positioned a bowl filled with water and sake beneath two of the bamboo legs. Three participants each pressed down on the basin with three fingers, while another person knelt beside them, adopting a reverent posture. This fourth individual repeatedly entreated, “Kokkuri-sama, if there is anything we wish to inquire about, we humbly beg you to appear,” continuing this supplication for twenty to thirty minutes until a force manifested around the three participants’ hands, making them aware of the presence.
At that stage, when they stated conditions like “If it concerns A, raise the right bamboo; if B, raise the left bamboo,” the device responded accordingly.
Through this method, even inquiries about past or future matters rarely failed to yield accurate responses.
Furthermore, they maintained that Kokkuri-sama favored females, leading both the three practitioners and single devotee to deem young girls most suitable for participation.

In addition, the method reported by Mr. Yoshimoto of Takashima Village, Nishisonogi District, Hizen Province, did not differ from those previously described. What differed slightly from the practices in other provinces was the following single point.

Prior to engaging in dialogue with Kokkuri, among the people seated at the site, they would ask, "Whom do you favor?" and then required placing the favored person's finger upon the cloth, et cetera.

**Section Nine**

According to a recent report received from Mr. Yamamoto of Kawabari Village, Igu District, Miyagi Prefecture, the method practiced in that locality differed significantly from those of other regions.
Therefore, I present its general outline below.

[Omitted text] Three bamboo sticks—each measuring one shaku two sun (~36 centimeters)—were bound vertically seven and a half times with a left-twisted hemp rope three shaku (~90 centimeters) long. Slips inscribed with “Fox,” “Tengu,” and “Raccoon Dog” were inserted into the bamboo ends, which practitioners then heated over flames. They placed a pre-warmed lacquered basin atop them and covered it with cloth. Three girls rested left hands lightly upon it while others nearby beat drums or sang spiritedly to rouse the atmosphere—whereupon the basin began rotating.
[Omitted text] In ceilinged tatami rooms, however vigorous the commotion made, it never rotated nor produced any sensation whatsoever.

During my travels last year in Izu Province where I observed local practices, I noted that the rice tub lid placed atop bamboo would first be heated over hearth flames briefly before use. Among those seated around the lid, one individual assumed the role of ritual leader, persistently chanting, "Kokkuri-sama, deign to descend and rotate," while the others maintained reverent postures awaiting this divine motion.
The bamboo employed measured one shaku four sun five bu (~43.9 cm) of fresh green bamboo, bound with left-twisted hemp cord three to four sun (~9.1-12.1 cm) from its upper end, upon which sat the rice tub lid covered by a cloth.

**Section Ten**

Furthermore, upon observing recent practices in Tokyo, Yokohama, and similar areas—while their methods were largely identical—there proved no shortage of divergences.
I now presented below the report from Mr. Masunaga of Hasegawa-cho, Nihonbashi Ward.

[Omitted text] They took three round bamboo sticks each about the thickness of a human finger—two cut to nine sun in length and one to nine sun five bu—removed their nodes, bound all three together with seven turns of left-twisted hemp cord to form a single bundle, then took three separate slips of white paper inscribed with the characters for “Fox,” “Raccoon Dog,” and “Tengu,” rolled each into a ball, inserted one into each bamboo stick of the bundle with the inserted end facing downward, and positioned this apparatus upon a desk or tatami mat—and so forth.

In the Koishikawa area within the Tokyo prefecture, I heard that their method involved "placing three strands of a woman’s hair within hemp thread and tying the cord in a 7-5-3 pattern."

**Section Eleven**

As demonstrated above, the methods employed across various provinces differed widely and manifestly lacked uniform rules.
The bamboo measurements, rope coiling techniques, rice tub lids, cloth arrangements and other elements did not necessarily follow the previously described formal protocols, yet could be implemented as deemed suitable.
Furthermore, when conducting trials, though there existed diverse approaches—whether all participants collectively chanted "Kokkuri-sama, descend upon us," only one among them assumed leadership in making invocations, or they appointed a separate votary to perform entreaties—none of these methods proved impermissible to utilize.
However, since Kokkuri possessed no capacity for language, interrogators were compelled to predetermine answer directions when posing questions.
The techniques for establishing responses involved distinctions between adopting either bamboo-leg elevations or rice-lid rotations—for instance, when inquiring about tomorrow's weather, one would first instruct that favorable conditions be indicated by raising a leg or rotating [the lid] left/right.
Through such mutual predeterminations of expected responses, it was said that eight or nine out of ten answers aligned with factual outcomes.
This truly warranted being deemed extraordinary.
Having recently obtained a report from Mr. Aoki of Nakano Village, Kitaadachi District, Saitama Prefecture, I shall now present below the particulars of his experiment as an illustrative case.

[Omitted text] One of those seated faced the basin and called out: “Kokkuri-sama, Kokkuri-sama, we have prepared your seat here. Come swiftly.” They then chanted: “Kokkuri-sama, Kokkuri-sama, if you have arrived, rotate the basin to the right as your sign.” When no movement followed, they demanded: “If rotating right displeases you, why not turn left?” At this provocation, the basin began creeping clockwise.

This motion proved impossible to produce abruptly—no fewer than three or four attempts were required to initiate movement. Yet households that succeeded once found the apparatus responding promptly thereafter regardless of timing. “Make it complete a full revolution,” they commanded next. The basin obediently traced a perfect circle.

“If you be a fox,” challenged a voice indicating one bamboo leg among three, “raise this limb.” When no elevation occurred, the assembly dismissed vulpine involvement. “Then prove yourself a tengu by lifting this,” they pressed. Again stillness prevailed, banishing mountain-demon theories.

“Perhaps you’re a cat—” The suggestion hung unfinished until completed: “If truly feline, hoist this leg.” A one-sun ascent (~3 cm) confirmed their whiskered hypothesis. “Now elevate it thrice that measure,” they ordered. The bamboo complied exactly, rising three sun (~9 cm).

“Do you hail from Kō Village?” Silence met this query until rephrased conditionally: “If dwelling there indeed, manifest by raising this.” No movement ensued—geographical origins remained unverified.

When the leg failed to rise, they thereby determined it had not come from Kō Village. They then said, “If you are from B Village, raise this leg.” As the leg rose at this juncture, they concluded it had come from B Village. They then demanded, “Have you come in jest?” When the leg remained motionless, they resolved it had not come frivolously. They pressed further, “Then have you come to impart knowledge?” “If you bring wisdom, raise this leg,” they instructed. The bamboo leg rose accordingly, confirming its purpose to declare fortunes. They inquired, “Does any house face calamity like fire?” The leg stayed still, signifying no impending disaster. “Then does happiness dwell in any home?” they probed. “If joy exists there, raise this leg.” No movement followed. “Has fortune not arrived?” they challenged. Stillness persisted. “Then does clarity yet elude us?” they pressed. The leg rose at last, leaving them to judge that fate’s course remained undetermined. Finally they demanded, “You—how many years have you lived? Raise this leg once for each year of your age.”

By the bamboo leg rising ten times, they knew this cat was ten years old.
They then said, “If tomorrow brings clear skies, raise this leg.”
At this time, the leg did not rise.
Then they said, “If that be so, will tomorrow bring rainy weather?” At this time, the leg again did not rise.
They then said, “If that be so, will it be snowy weather?”
At this time, one leg gradually rose.
The assembly therefore concluded that the next day would bring snowfall.
They then asked Kokkuri, saying, “Do you dance on a single leg?”
At this time, the leg did not rise.
They then asked, “Do you dance on three legs?”
At this time, the leg did not rise.
They then asked, “Do you dance on two legs?”
At this time, the leg rose.
Thus, they concluded it must dance on two legs.
They then asked, “Do you dance to military songs?”
At this time, the leg did not rise.
They then asked, “Do you dance to love suicide ballads?”
At this time, the leg did not rise.
They then asked, “Then, do you dance to sumo jinku songs?”
At this time, the bamboo leg rose.

Therefore, one person sang a sumo jinku rhythm and, synchronizing it with the two bamboo legs, alternatingly moved them up and down.
When the singer’s voice grew clear and the rhythm well-practiced, the legs’ motions became swifter still, dancing unrestrained through the seated assembly.
By this stage, what had formerly demanded three operators could now be accomplished by a single individual deftly manipulating the legs’ rise and fall.

The above was a recorded summary of one such example.
Beyond this, based on my experiments, while questions concerning weather conditions, ages, time, number of people, written characters, and similar matters generally received accurate responses, it proved difficult to obtain precise answers when making detailed inquiries—such as taking up a book and asking how many pages it contained.
Though foxes, dogs, raccoon dogs, cats, and all manner of beasts might come through [the board], when those named tengu arrived, their predictions most accurately corresponded to facts and commanded the greatest trust among people.
The practice of surrounding [the apparatus] with heavy objects like mortars, wooden bowls, and plates, and skillfully raising its legs generally occurred only when these tengu had come, it was said.

Section 12

Even from observing this evidence, Kokkuri's clear capacity to predict future events becomes apparent.
Recently, a neighborhood barber came to me and reported: “When we conducted Kokkuri at a certain house four or five days ago, we were astounded to find every revelation matched reality.”
“First, to explain the sequence: when we initially asked ‘Are you a fox, raccoon dog, or Kasuga Daimyōjin?’, the leg indicated ‘Kasuga Daimyōjin.’”
“Next we inquired ‘Do you prefer sake, rice cakes, or sweets?’ to which it answered ‘Sake.’”
“Accordingly, they presented sake before it and commenced questioning.”
“First, there were two patients in the neighboring house—one gravely ill and one mildly afflicted.”
“When asked whether the critically ill patient would survive, it responded ‘He shall die,’ and concerning the mildly ill patient’s recovery, answered ‘He will be healed within days.’”
“Then I myself faced Kokkuri and asked ‘Is there a guest at my house or not?’ to which it replied ‘There is.’”
“True to its word, a messenger arrived from home announcing a guest’s presence.”
“Next, when we asked ‘Will my wayward son abandon his dissolute ways or not?’ it answered ‘He will cease.’”
“We then inquired how many boys were among the children before that house, whereupon it raised the leg four times to declare four.”
“Upon inspecting the children, there were indeed four boys.”
“Finally, when we entreated Kokkuri with ‘Would you not kindly depart now?’, there came no response.”
“After some time had passed and we repeated the inquiry, all three legs leapt upward, overturned the tray, and took their leave.”

Section 13

I resolved to test this matter and conducted several experiments at my residence last autumn.
First, when I attempted this with four or five students, it showed none of the required results.
Next, even after adding several youths lacking scholarly knowledge to the group and attempting it again, I still observed no significant efficacy.
Then I had those youths and a woman of about forty years test it, whereupon I indeed obtained the desired results.
After more than ten days had passed, I again gathered those youths, the woman, myself, and several others; taking bamboos of various sizes and irregular lengths while employing different lids for testing, we all achieved successful results.
Subsequently replacing bamboo with other instruments—at times using three pipes, at others objects resembling tea caddies, while substituting lids with flat boards—we observed these too demonstrated some measure of efficacy.
Through these observations it became evident that the apparatus requires no fixed method of construction.
Mr. Aoki of Saitama Prefecture also reported: "Though some insist bamboo must be cut to odd lengths when performing Kokkuri, others maintain one must inscribe the three characters for 'Kokkuri' (狐狗狸) at the severed end, while still others declare straw ropes must be twisted leftward, cut into five-and-a-half segments, and tied with left-handed knots—it would seem compliance with these rules proves ultimately unnecessary."

However, when society employs fixed methods—including women in the process and at extremes selecting specific individuals, households, and days to perform Kokkuri—this arises from distinct causal factors requiring separate consideration; yet ignorant people, unaware of these factors, attribute failures to having conducted it on inauspicious days or allowed wicked participants into their midst without ever questioning the underlying principles—such conduct marks the very height of foolishness.

Part Three: Examining the Transmission of Kokkuri

Section XIV

Now, as we undertake to investigate the causes and circumstances of Kokkuri, it first becomes necessary here to recount its origins and transmission.

I sought to determine in which locale it first emerged and through whose invention it came to be. Upon inquiring with regional collaborators about its patterns of prevalence—according to reports reaching me to date—it had spread between Sagami, Izu, Suruga, Tōtōmi, Owari, and Mino Provinces from the fall of Meiji 18 (1885) through the spring of Meiji 19 (1886). Throughout last year [1886], it expanded westward from the Kyoto-Osaka region to San'yō, Nankai, and Saigoku; propagated eastward through Awa, Kazusa, Hitachi, Kōzuke, Musashi, and Shinano Provinces; and by the current year [1887], I observed its gradual entry into Ōshū.

Only in the Hokuriku region had I not yet heard of its prevalence.

From this I inferred that this phenomenon originated in the Tokai provinces.

Yet according to popular accounts—some claiming this method was transmitted to Japan over three hundred years ago, with old records stating Lord Nobunaga first attempted it; others asserting its practice during the Tokugawa era existed in elders’ recollections; some declaring it originated in Satsuma Province; while still others maintained it came from abroad—all remained mere rumors among the populace, lacking any solid basis for belief.

Nevertheless, that the method did not originate domestically but came from foreign lands appeared beyond doubt.

According to these theories—some claiming transmission centuries ago through Christianity, others asserting returning Japanese from America during the Meiji Restoration introduced it—we recognized these too lacked credible foundation.

For if something that had entered our country years earlier failed to spread among the populace for so long, only to suddenly gain prevalence in recent times—the reason for this delay proved exceedingly difficult to comprehend.

Even supposing one or two Japanese had known of this before the Restoration, there could be no doubt that what had spread across provinces since the year before last must have originated elsewhere.

Section 15

According to my investigations, the circumstances of the epidemic had gained momentum in spreading.
The initial outbreak unquestionably occurred in Izu Province, with reports of Kokkuri first emerging from that region in the year before last.
Several months later, I heard of its practice spreading between Ono and the Kyoto-Osaka region while simultaneously observing its proliferation through the Bōsō provinces.
Thus its gradual encroachment into Tokyo materialized last autumn.
Subsequently, it progressively expanded into Saitama, Gunma, and the Shinano district.
Contemporaneously, I received word of its prevalence in Kyushu.
By this year, reports confirmed its penetration into Ōshū.
I had first encountered rumors of its initial appearance in Tokyo last summer, tracing its origins to Fukagawa Ward.
Thereafter advancing through Nihonbashi and Kyōbashi districts, by this spring its presence became evident near Ushigome and Koishikawa.
This forms the foundation for my assertion regarding Kokkuri's origins in the Tokai provinces and my conjecture about its probable emergence from Izu.
Having personally visited Izu Province last summer to investigate actual conditions of its prevalence, I thereby verified the truth of this theory.

Section 16

Around three years prior—or so it is recorded—an American sailing vessel arrived near Shimoda in Izu Province and sustained damage.
Concerning this shipwreck incident, certain Americans who remained long-term in the area reportedly transmitted this method to local residents.
At that time, though the Americans referred to it by its English designation, the inhabitants—uncomprehending of English and finding pronunciation difficult—consequently bestowed upon it the name Kokkuri.
This term derives from *kokkuri to katamuku* ("to tilt unsteadily"), describing how lids placed atop bamboo poles would sway precariously—or so accounts maintain.
From this origin spread widespread adoption of *Kokkuri-sama*, with its name later being rendered through *kanji* characters meaning fox-dog-raccoon dog.
Thus confirmed was this method’s Western provenance and its clear emergence from Shimoda in Izu Province.
Boatmen present at Shimoda during those events—having personally witnessed this marvel—subsequently disseminated it through eastern and western ports alike; inevitably propagating it westward to Owari and Osaka while simultaneously transmitting it eastward through Bōsō and Keihin.
Hence even its entry into Tokyo commenced from coastal districts like Fukagawa and Kyōbashi.
Through these observations we may conclude beyond reasonable doubt that contemporary Kokkuri practices trace their origins definitively to Shimoda in Izu Province.

Having thus established this, I deemed it necessary to further investigate whether this method existed in the West.
According to what I had ascertained, there had long existed in the West a practice called table-turning.
This term signified the rotation of tables, and its method differed not in the slightest from Kokkuri-sama.
To describe its method of use: several people would gather around a table, each extending their hands to lightly touch it, and after a short time would observe its rotation.
There were also instances of posing various questions to the table.
This was called table-talking.
That is to say, it signified the table's discourse.
In this method, when someone addressed a table that had already begun rotating with "Does God exist? If He does exist, cease your rotation," the table would accordingly stop its rotation.
Or again, when they inquired about the existence of hell and paradise—declaring that if these did not exist [the table] should strike the floor—the table would respond by striking the floor with its own legs.
The phenomenon appeared no different from a person standing between them and responding—or so it was said.

Section 17

To demonstrate this, I shall now cite an example from Mr. Carpenter’s *Psychological Writings*: a man named Zipshin and a friend faced a table and asked, “How many years have passed since the current queen ascended the throne?” The table struck the floor and answered, “Sixteen years.”
When they further inquired about the Crown Prince’s age, it answered, “Eleven years old.”
However, since both men were unaware of the year and month of the current queen’s accession and the crown prince’s age, when they consulted a historical chronology, the answers indeed matched exactly.
Next, when they inquired how many people were working in the shop of that house, it answered by striking the floor three times and lifting its legs twice.
However, upon hearing there were four adults and two children at the shopfront, they thought the three floor strikes were erroneous—but after some time, realizing one person had gone outside the city and was not at the shop, they finally came to know the truth of what had been communicated.
Hearing these circumstances, it becomes clear that their method is identical to what is practiced in our country.
The only difference lies in the distinction that one employs a table, while the other uses three bamboo sticks and a rice tub lid.

From this observation, it may be inferred that the Americans who came to Shimoda had known this method while in their homeland, and during their stay in Shimoda—lacking a suitable table at hand—improvised by substituting bamboo and a lid as a temporary measure.
Thus, while the Americans called this method "table-turning" and taught it as such, it is thought that the local people—being unaccustomed to Western languages—came to substitute the term "Kokkuri" instead.
Therefore, I believe that Kokkuri is identical to table-turning.

Part IV: Discussing the Causes of Kokkuri

Section 18

Having already described Kokkuri’s methods and transmission in the preceding sections, I proceeded logically to explain its causal circumstances.
Ordinary people believed its cause stemmed from foxes or raccoon dogs or claimed spiritual origins; those with some knowledge stated electrical forces were responsible rather than supernatural beings; while skeptics asserted either deliberate human manipulation or optical illusions.
Yet my experiments revealed inevitable movement unrelated to intentional action.
The apparatus moved naturally—tilting and rotating of its own accord.
Even attempts to restrain vigorous motion proved futile against its momentum.
Thus human agency could not explain its cause.
Should we then attribute this to electrical forces?
Proponents argued: “Attribution requires explaining how electricity interacts with materials.”
Recent years had seen rampant misuse of ‘electricity’ as a catch-all for inexplicable phenomena—a position I rejected outright.
“Until precise mechanisms are clarified,” I countered, “such claims remain unsubstantiated.”
What then of fox-spirit explanations?
“Foxes lack such capacity,” I concluded, “and undefined ‘spirits’ merely restate ignorance.”

This constituted the reason I sought to discover its cause beyond foxes, raccoon dogs, and spirits.
When one further doubted and examined this matter—even if claiming both its movement and tilting arose from spirits and deities possessing it—this showed no effect on those with knowledge and education yet manifested effects on the ignorant and uneducated.
The marked efficacy observed particularly among devout women and children served as one piece of evidence that this phenomenon stemmed not from spirits' work but required investigating another cause.
Moreover, even when responding to questions reportedly only eight or nine out of ten answers aligned with facts while one or two diverged.
This was also one piece of evidence requiring investigation into another cause.
It was further noted that inquiries about past events often matched reality whereas future predictions frequently failed—brief questions received answers but detailed ones yielded none.
This too indicated another causal factor.
Furthermore were spirits truly capable of possessing rice tub lids or tea trays human touch would prove unnecessary.
However their required contact constituted yet another evidentiary piece for a different cause.
Moreover attributing swaying/rotation to spirits logically negated needing inherently unstable bamboo implements.
Yet employing such movement-prone materials formed additional evidence for an alternative explanation.

Section 19

Now, I shall determine these causes into the following three categories and proceed to explain each in detail.

The first were causes arising solely from the outer world, namely those originating from the Kokkuri apparatus itself.

The second were causes arising between the inner and outer worlds, namely those originating from circumstances when human hands came into contact with the Kokkuri apparatus.

The third were causes arising solely from the inner world, namely those originating from human mental functions.

Among these causes, I considered the third to hold paramount importance.
Though the first cause scarcely demanded elaborate explication—given that progressing methodically from it through subsequent causes followed an appropriate sequence—I resolved to commence my discussion with this initial factor.

Section 20

The first cause refers to the Kokkuri apparatus—namely the three bamboo sticks and rice tub lid—already possessing a structure prone to swaying and rotation.
Indeed, a tripod configuration proves most suited for both lateral rotation and vertical swaying—particularly when placing a heavy lid atop slender bamboo creates conditions where movement becomes inevitable through natural forces.
Furthermore, factors such as restricting bamboo length and fastening cord knots naturally reach critical points of instability.
Thus even when touched gently from without, this apparatus inherently contains momentum that immediately initiates motion.
This constitutes one cause of its rotation.

Section 21

Next, the second cause was situated between the inner and outer worlds. For indeed, one observed that when anyone attempted to hold an object aloft in the air for even a short time, their hands inevitably developed tremors.
This is the inherent nature of living beings—even a single part thereof cannot long remain perfectly still at a fixed point in space.
Even if one person among the participants managed to keep their hands still, it was inevitable that not all participants could remain perfectly motionless simultaneously.
Therefore, if even one person among them slightly moved their hand—immediately transmitting that motion to Kokkuri and causing twice the swaying—this stemmed from the apparatus's inherent condition.
When the forces of others were simultaneously applied to this, it led to a considerable increase in swaying.
Thus, once set into rotation, it generated momentum to continue rotating for an extended period in accordance with the principle of inertia.
When the combined force of multiple participants was applied repeatedly, after several minor rotations, it culminated in a markedly large rotation.
When it reached its most extreme state, even if one attempted to suppress it externally, the momentum became nearly impossible to restrain—this too followed natural principles.

Thus, once the habit of swaying in both hands and body became established, even when left to unintentional and unconscious processes, they found themselves swaying unknowingly.
Once swaying had commenced, even if they applied a slight force at one point on their hand, it would immediately rotate and readily reach the point of lifting its legs.
When the rotation grew particularly vigorous, even after each person released their hands and left it to its natural momentum, if it began moving freely about the room assuming a dance-like motion, this too was due to the persistence of habitual motion.

In summary, firstly, when requiring people to hold their hands floating above the lid for several minutes, there arises a circumstance where they inevitably feel fatigue and begin to sway.
Secondly, as the apparatus already possesses a structure prone to swaying, even imparting a slight variation creates a circumstance where it exhibits a foot-long sway.
Thirdly, should one person move it, there arises a circumstance where the multitude responds in unison, generating increasingly marked swaying.
Fourthly, when swaying is repeatedly imparted, there arises a circumstance where its momentum progressively intensifies.
Fifthly, after several rotations, there arises a circumstance where both hands and body develop habitual swaying that resists easy restraint.
Sixthly, there arises a circumstance where the apparatus itself develops inertia such that natural momentum perpetuates rotation without deliberate contact.
Through these cumulative circumstances emerges Kokkuri's rotation; when reaching extreme intensity, it may lift or pivot its legs into dance-like postures, ultimately demonstrating capacity for autonomous room traversal.

When I previously tested this, I found conducting it with four or five people worked better than with two or three.
This occurs due to the principle that when participants' combined efforts increase, it would demonstrate increasingly marked rotation.
However, when the rhythms of movement imparted by multiple participants failed to harmonize, circumstances arose that hindered the swaying instead. Therefore, conducting the experiment with three or four people proved more effective.
If during rotation one person suddenly laughed and disrupted the rhythm—causing immediate cessation of movement—this too followed the aforementioned principle.
Yet with only these first and second causes, I could not yet claim to have provided Kokkuri's complete explanation.
For though Kokkuri does not invariably produce effects regardless of practitioners, those innately devout, intellectually limited, or of impressionable disposition—such as women and children—readily observed rotation when participating. Conversely, those strong in intellect but weak in faith could not induce rotation despite repeated tests.
When I examined this through such analysis, beyond the first two causes lay another factor demanding consideration.
This was precisely why I established a third cause.

Section 22

The third cause constitutes the most essential factor for providing an explanation of Kokkuri, being something that arises entirely from mental functions.
Now, for convenience, I shall classify this cause into internal factors and external influences and proceed to explain them.
Internal factors refer to those arising from the inherent nature of human mentality itself, while external influences denote the various circumstances that prompt such mental functions.

Section 23

First, in discussing internal factors, I shall take involuntary muscle movement and expectation-intention as the two principal ones.
To understand these two factors, I must first address unconscious functions.
Unconscious functions refer to mental operations that activate naturally without conscious perception.
Therefore, some term these automatic functions.
Moreover, they are also called reflex functions.
Reflex functions denote unconscious and unintentional actions occurring immediately in response to stimuli.
For instance—beyond digestive and respiratory functions—they include unknowingly closing one's eyes when foreign objects approach or moving limbs upon receiving stimuli.
Such reflex operations originate from the medulla oblongata and spinal cord within the nervous system rather than the cerebrum.
The cerebrum serves as the center of sensation and perception—the foundation of consciousness and thought.
Activities like recognizing external objects, contemplating principles, moving at will or stopping intentionally all constitute cerebral functions rather than reflex-automatic operations.
Thus we classify cerebrum operations as conscious awareness.
Yet within these operations we also observe unconscious reflex actions.
This forms the very subject I intend to examine here.

Section 24

Now, in discussing the cerebrum's unconscious functions, I must first address the general causes and circumstances behind unconscious phenomena.
In general, there are six circumstances under which unconscious phenomena arise.
The first arises from habit, the second from intention, the third from fatigue, the fourth from sleep, the fifth from agitation, and the sixth from complexity.

First, regarding the initial circumstance: when actions previously performed through conscious willpower become habitual over many years, they come to occur naturally without conscious awareness.
This resembles composing poetry.
When first practicing this craft, one achieves results only through deliberate consideration; yet after years of dedicated mastery, words spontaneously form poetry upon being spoken, with scarcely any awareness of their creation.
This exemplifies how conscious intentional functions transform into unconscious unintentional functions through habituation.
Another instance occurs when reading texts or reciting sutras: initially requiring focused intent, but after repeated practice, one comes to recite them naturally by rote.
All human progress in skilled endeavors fundamentally depends on this principle.

Next, the second circumstance refers to situations where concentrating willpower on one aspect induces unconsciousness in another.
For example, when focusing intently on reading, as the mind's full capacity becomes concentrated solely on that act, there occur instances where one naturally fails to perceive any stimuli received in other areas.

The third [circumstance] refers to situations where mental fatigue causes normally conscious perceptions to go unregistered.

Fourthly, during sleep—even when devising plans in dreams, moving limbs, or sleep-talking—this denotes circumstances where one remains unaware of these actions.

The fifth [circumstance] describes situations where mental agitation leads to sensory deprivation, such as during fires or intoxication, wherein individuals lose conscious awareness of their own conduct.

The sixth circumstance refers to situations where confused intermingling of various thoughts causes one to remain unaware of one's own actions—as when multiple preoccupations converge in the mind, creating such congestion of thought that awareness frequently dissipates.

Section 25

Though I could already understand that unconscious functions arose in people due to these circumstances—since their underlying causes remained unclear—I therefore deemed it necessary to investigate these causes here.
In general, there existed two methods for such investigation.
One was physiological inquiry; the other psychological analysis—this being the case.
Though physiological inquiry constituted an indispensable method for psychological research—the brain’s morphological and functional relationships remained insufficiently clarified through experimentation—rendering point-by-point verification against empirical data impossible.
Consequently—when confronting phenomena unprovable through such means—one had no choice but to hypothesize and deduce through psychological reasoning.

When examining the structure of nerves, we find two types: nerve fibers and nerve cells—one governing central functions, the other conductive functions. Among the conductive nerves, there exist two further varieties: those termed afferent nerves, which transmit stimuli from peripheral endings to the central system; and efferent nerves, which convey excitations from the central system to peripheral endpoints.

By provisionally designating "I" as the central organ with "Ro" and "Ha" as peripheral terminals—establishing fibers from Ro to I as afferent nerves and those from Ro to Ha as efferent nerves—we observe that stimuli received at point Ro gradually propagate to reach I, while excitations arising at I progressively transmit until attaining Ha. This constitutes a fundamental unit of neural organization.

However, the nervous systems of higher animals and humans prove far more intricate than this simple model. Within central structures exist multiple types including regional centers and core nuclei, while fibers exhibit diverse configurations—some bridging terminals with centers, others interconnecting central nodes—resulting in an exceptionally complex architecture.

Now, provisionally defining "I" as regional centers and "Jin" as central nuclei for discussion, we might posit that "I" and "i" correspond to the spinal cord or regional ganglia, while "Jin" represents the cerebrum.
The cerebrum served as the seat of sensation, perception, thought, and will—the foundation of conscious functions—while regional ganglia constituted the central organs of unconscious functions.
Therefore, when sensations entering from "Ro" reached the "I" center and immediately flowed outward toward "Ha," they became unconscious functions; whereas when ascending from the "I" center to reach "Jin" and conveying Jin's commands to "Ha," this constituted conscious functions.
For instance, when someone was about to fall asleep and a needle stimulated one end of their foot, though the foot inevitably turned outward without conscious awareness, this occurred because [the stimulus] had reached the 'I' center but not yet attained the 'Jin' center.

Section 26

When proceeding further with this analysis—regarding how impulses entering from "Ro" either reach "I" and immediately discharge toward "Ha," or ascend from "I" to reach "Jin"—this can only be attributed to habit and hereditary influence.
The respiratory and digestive functions mentioned earlier are due to hereditary influence.
The act of walking naturally through the use of one's feet and moving naturally through the use of one's hands are born from habit.

Now, in presenting an example of this, the most straightforward one is what is commonly referred to as a habit.
When people sit facing one another, there are those who occasionally scratch their heads, those who rub their knees, those who twist their beards, or those who fiddle with their tobacco pipes—all mannerisms formed through the accumulation of habitual behaviors.
When a habit has already formed, one does not consciously perceive what they are doing—this constitutes what is called an unconscious function.
The arising of such unconscious functions occurs because when sensory input transmitted from point Ro reaches point I and is repeatedly discharged toward point Ha, the pathway to Ha becomes increasingly accustomed through force of habit. Consequently, impulses entering from point Ro come to flow directly toward point Ha without waiting for their residual waves to be transmitted to point Jin.
In contrast, the occurrence of conscious perception arises when impulses reaching point I transmit their residual waves to Jin, thereby activating its central function.
From this, one should understand why unconscious functions arise through habit.

Section 27

When considering why thought processes in the cerebrum sometimes transformed into unconscious functions, this unconscious function referred to cases where dynamic waves entering from Ro reached Jin yet remained unperceived.
For example, when those who had practiced for years composed poetry, it naturally formed without conscious awareness of its creation—a phenomenon that undeniably arose from habit.
Indeed, within the cerebrum existed countless nerve cells, with innumerable connecting nerve fibers between them.
As the transmission pathways between these fibers and cells became thoroughly accustomed—reaching a state requiring no temporal delay during signal exchange—the conscious functions within the cerebrum too transformed into unconscious functions.
This represented what was called a product of habit and experience.

Now, provisionally defining four cells labeled “I,” “Ro,” “Ha,” and “Jin” along with their connecting fibers as existing within the cerebrum to govern psychic functions for discussion: when the “I” cell received stimulation and transmitted its excitation to “Jin,” if this co-excitation of “Jin” occurred multiple times, a habitual connection developed between them. Consequently, whenever “I” became excited, one unconsciously observed “Jin” becoming excited as well.
When discussing this from a psychological perspective, if the occurrence of thought *I* was accompanied by that of thought *Jin* several times, this resulted in cultivating a propensity where *Jin* was naturally invoked whenever *I* arose.
In psychology, this was called the rule of association.
Association referred to the principle of thought connection, where when one thought arose, another naturally accompanied it.
Indeed, the natural arising and intermingling of various thoughts in a dream state occurred due to this rule of association.
All of these arose from habit.
If one attempted to elicit “Ro” or “Ha” when “I” arose against that habitual tendency, it required the action of willpower.
If this was left to involuntary unconsciousness, one observed only the occurrence of “Jin” accompanying “I.”
This was the reason why unconscious functions in the cerebrum arose from the rule of habitual association.

Section 28

Next, when considering why unconscious functions arose through intention—since intention occurred through the concentration and convergence of mental energy toward one direction—we provisionally defined the total mental energy in the brain as 100 and divided it into five parts, with each part normally possessing twenty units of force under ordinary circumstances.
However, given the difficulty of maintaining complete equilibrium across ever-changing conditions, forces either naturally aggregated a large amount of energy in one direction or were deliberately concentrated there through intentional effort.
This was termed intention or attention.
Therefore, through intention's action, forces increased severalfold in one direction while becoming almost entirely lacking in the other.
The deficient portions either completely ceased functioning or, even when active, remained limited to reflexive automatic actions without manifesting conscious intentional functions.
Herein unconscious functions arose.
That is to say, this function constituted unconsciousness produced through intention.

Section 29

Next, when considering why unconscious functions arose through fatigue or sleep: all active beings possessed the rule that they would inevitably fatigue after engaging in activity for a certain period.
When using the body brought about fatigue upon the body, and when employing mental faculties brought about fatigue upon the mind.
Once fatigue occurred, it became imperative to take rest for a fixed period.
Herein arose sleep and rest.
In examining the unconscious functions arising between fatigue and rest: when all nerves were fatigued, as the faculty of perception they possessed greatly diminished, even if certain functions were being performed in some part of the body, one remained unaware of them.
Moreover, when a part of the nerves became fatigued, other parts might perceive, but that part became unconscious.
If the nerves became entirely fatigued and entered a state of rest, one could understand the failure to perceive the body's state by observing deep sleep.
Yet even during sleep, one often formed dreams that gave rise to various thoughts, or while dreaming engaged in diverse contemplations and devised new inventions—examples of which were not few.
When inquiring into the principle behind this: even during sleep, while one portion of the cerebrum rested, other parts engaged in perception.
At this time, dreams were formed.

Now, regarding how various thoughts arise in succession during dreams through the aforementioned rule of association, and how discoveries unattainable during wakefulness are frequently made: first, this occurs because a small portion of the brain remains awake while other parts completely rest, concentrating a proportionally greater amount of mental energy in that portion compared to others; second, because specific thoughts conduct their functions unimpeded by other mental processes.
Moreover, what one conceives often does not align with reality and sometimes goes unnoticed by conscious awareness because the entire brain is not awake, resulting in the loss of relational coordination between the operations of various mental faculties.
The fifth turmoil or sixth disorder arises from an imbalance in mental energy distribution across all regions of the brain.
For on days when a person is healthy and undisturbed, mental energy spreads evenly across all regions of the entire brain, with each part mutually coordinated in its operations. However, when confronted with sudden intense stimuli or pathological conditions, this orderly balance collapses, resulting in chaotic imbalances of mental energy that lead to localized unconscious functions.

Section 30

There exist several types of unconscious functions arising from the aforementioned circumstances.
Namely: instances where cognitive processes go unperceived; instances where sensory functions go unperceived; and instances where motor functions go unperceived.
For example, when one devises plans in a dream yet remains unaware of doing so, this belongs to the first category; when one sustains injuries at a fire scene yet feels no pain, this belongs to the second category; and when one walks without perceiving the act of walking itself, this constitutes the third category.
Furthermore, when the results of cognitive processes manifest as muscular movements without conscious perception of those movements, we term this involuntary muscle movement.
Involuntary muscle movement refers to motion produced between muscles without conscious awareness of that motion, posited here as the principal cause of Kokkuri's operation.
For instance, since people already know mentally that Kokkuri should rotate, their conscious thoughts unknowingly manifest through muscular activity to execute the movement.
To rephrase: each person naturally imparts hand movements to Kokkuri without being aware of doing so.
The internal cause generating this movement lies in expectation-intention.
Expectation-intention means predefining how something should occur and concentrating one's mind in that direction.
This constitutes the unconscious function arising from the aforementioned intention.

Section 31

As I previously illustrated with a simplified diagram, nerves are divided into two types—afferent and efferent. The transmission of external stimuli to the cerebrum to produce sensation occurs through afferent functions, while the conveyance of the cerebrum's commands to the exterior to manifest movement occurs through efferent functions.
Now, these movements are those that occur in response to external stimuli and those that arise directly from conditions within the brain.
Among those movements arising directly from the brain, some are perceived while others remain unperceived.
The unperceived [movements] constitute the cause of Kokkuri, being what I term the circumstances of expectation-intention and involuntary muscle movement.
Therefore, if one considers this in relation to the six causes of unconscious functions previously enumerated, one should understand that it belongs to the unconsciousness arising from the second cause—intention.

Section 32

Now, when further considering why unconsciousness arose through intention: if one concentrated their full mental energy in one direction, they ceased to manifest mental force in another; or even if a thought manifested and demonstrated movement elsewhere, they remained unaware of it.
For instance: when a child saw candy before their eyes and focused entirely on tasting it, they unknowingly reached out their hand; when someone heard music and concentrated on listening to it, they unconsciously tilted their ear toward it; when standing before a deep abyss and secretly fearing they might fall in, they instinctively stepped back; when watching a spectacle and feeling delight, they naturally leaned forward; or when sitting alone in a dim room contemplating an ancient poem, they spontaneously recited its verses; or when sumo enthusiasts envisioned a match or theater lovers imagined a scene, they naturally moved their limbs and adjusted their posture accordingly.
All of these—phenomena where one focused intention within the mind, unknowingly manifesting external movements—constituted a type of involuntary muscle movement arising from what I term expectation-intention.

Section 33

Now, the rotation of Kokkuri was fundamentally based on this principle: those who attempted it generally knew beforehand that Kokkuri rotated and that its rotations responded to human inquiries. Their thoughts had unknowingly manifested as movements in their hands, leading them not only to observe the resulting rotations but also to witness outcomes where those rotations precisely answered questions and conveyed factual information.
I would now present an example by citing an item recently published in the Yamato Shimbun.
It said:

There was one Yūkō in Sugamo who had recently entered service at a teahouse in Ōji and married a woman named Otoha. When they began practicing the currently popular Kokkuri, Yūkō addressed it: “Now, Kokkuri-sama—surely Otoha here has had some fine men in her past? When he said, ‘If there were any, please raise a leg,’ the leg rose. Not to be outdone, Otoha retorted, ‘You must still have someone yourself, Yū.’ ‘If there is [someone], then this leg—’ she said, and when it moved exactly as she said, sparking an argument, their mother, unable to bear it, interjected, ‘That was just a joke.’ ‘Now Kokkuri-sama, if this was truly a joke, please turn to the right,’ she said—and once again it did exactly that, so the three of them burst into laughter together and settled the matter, or so the account goes.

This occurs due to muscle movement arising in accordance with the intention held within their minds.

Section 34

Thus, there existed a mutual connection between thought and movement wherein Thought A manifested Movement A and Thought B manifested Movement B, with no intermixing between them. The principle underlying this phenomenon lay in the rules of habitual association previously enumerated.
That is to say, when one intended to listen to music and naturally inclined their ear, this occurred because during ordinary experiences, an association formed between the thought of music and the action of the auditory function, thereby establishing a relationship where thinking of music immediately induced that function upon the auditory organ.
Therefore, if one desired to take sweets, they naturally extended their hand; when intending to walk, they naturally came to extend their foot. One did not extend their foot when desiring to take sweets, nor extend their hand when intending to walk.
All these arose from the force of habit during ordinary repeated experiences, thereby producing this association.
When one knew that Kokkuri rotated, they naturally manifested that motion in their hands; when they thought of rotating it left or right, they applied force in those directions; when seeking vertical movement of its legs, they applied force upward or downward—thereby naturally producing the anticipated results while remaining completely unaware of doing so.

Section 35

As for other instances where one inquires of Kokkuri about a person's age and receives an answer—this occurs because the questioner already knows the age beforehand, thereby producing involuntary muscle movement. However, how does one who clearly does not know a person's age come to know it through Kokkuri? This too stems from involuntary muscle movement. For involuntary muscle movement does not necessarily arise from explicit knowledge; more often than not, it emerges from what one imagines or infers. For example, even when unaware of someone's exact age, through perceiving clues in their appearance and behavior, these perceptions naturally generate muscular motion. Moreover, both this perception arises spontaneously through associative power and the resulting muscle movement emerges through this same force, with neither process entering conscious awareness. When someone—ignorant of how many people are in a shop—inquires through Kokkuri and obtains the actual count, or determines through Kokkuri the number of children outside without prior knowledge—these results derive entirely from imagination and inference. That is to say, what the mind naturally imagines and deduces unknowingly induces muscular activity. Since this imagination arises through experiential association's power, it requires neither conscious volition nor logical deduction, but rather manifests its conceptions through natural momentum beyond awareness. For instance, when we recall a deceased person's name, their countenance spontaneously appears in our imagination. Similarly, even upon hearing a stranger's name, one instinctively visualizes their appearance.

Through this, even matters not clearly known can come to be ascertained by inquiring of Kokkuri.
Furthermore, regarding Kokkuri's rotations: when tengu among supernatural creatures are said to manifest, their force becomes strongest; whereas when weaker creatures are invoked, their force reportedly diminishes—all occurring through associative rules.
That is to say, when we recognize the formidable power associated with tengu, an associative link forms between tengu and strength in our minds. Thus, when we imagine a tengu’s manifestation, we unconsciously impart greater force [to the board], causing Kokkuri to consequently exhibit more vigorous rotation.
In contrast, when one imagines weaker creatures manifesting and consequently imparts weaker force, this results in observing feeble rotations.
All these must be termed unconscious functions arising from association.

Section 36

Here again, there were cases where what had been temporarily lost from memory and remained unperceived manifested as involuntary muscle movement. For instance, even when matters temporarily forgotten appeared in dreams or emerged as sleep-talk, one remained unaware of how they manifested. According to my past experience, there was an instance where I knew a person's surname but had forgotten their given name. At that time, no matter how much I tried to recall it, I could not bring it to mind. Yet when I took up the brush and finished writing their surname, the natural flow of the brush led me to write out their given name. Furthermore, there were cases where what one had forgotten when attempting to write it down was uttered aloud and brought to mind. Though these differed somewhat in nature, they too manifested as involuntary muscle movements arising from what had temporarily slipped from memory. Moreover, although temporary forgetfulness arose from various circumstances, according to my considerations, it likely occurred because the concentration of intention or mental energy on other aspects caused unconsciousness in the part where memory resided. Through this mechanism, one could inquire of Kokkuri about things they themselves did not remember and come to know them, or there were cases where one learned things entirely contrary to what they currently knew through Kokkuri's answers.

Section 37

If one inquired of Kokkuri about future matters, it could only stem from mere imagination or conjecture.
Therefore, its responses could not but diverge from fact.
However, according to people's experiments, when one questioned Kokkuri about past events or matters they had personally experienced, the responses generally aligned with facts; but when inquiring about future events or things not yet experienced, discrepancies were said to frequently arise.
This was naturally in accordance with principle.
If Kokkuri had truly been caused by supernatural forces, it should have provided equally reliable answers about future matters as it did about past ones.
That it failed to do so constituted one piece of evidence that this phenomenon did not stem from supernatural workings.
As for future matters in general, not only could they be somewhat discerned based on past experience, but there also existed other circumstances through which they might be known.
For example, when divining whether tomorrow's weather would prove favorable or unfavorable, answers could not extend beyond three possibilities: favorable, unfavorable, or intermediate.
Therefore, even when we made judgments unintentionally and at random, one-third of those judgments necessarily aligned with facts by proportion.
When one additionally considered the various circumstances of the time, eight or nine out of ten cases might align with facts.
Therefore, even when Kokkuri occasionally judged future matters accurately, it remained hardly worthy of astonishment.

Section 38

There exists another fact evidencing why Kokkuri manifests in accordance with human thought.

It was said that among students of Western studies in recent times, some conducted question-and-answer sessions with Kokkuri using English or German.
That is to say, if those attempting it knew English, Kokkuri too would know English; if those attempting it knew German, Kokkuri too would know German—a distinction that clearly stemmed from unconscious actions performed by our side in both questioning and answering.
Moreover, one could obtain answers from Kokkuri only regarding extremely simple matters or general topics; when it came to complex or detailed inquiries, securing responses became difficult.
For instance, while one might receive an answer when asking Kokkuri whether tomorrow would bring rain or clear skies, any inquiry about the exact hour rain would begin or wind would rise would invariably prove futile.
This too stood as further evidence that Kokkuri was not the work of supernatural beings.

Section 39

From this observation, it became evident that Kokkuri's rotation in accordance with our will and its provision of answers to our inquiries were undeniably due to expectation-intention and involuntary muscle movement.
Moreover, it was not necessary for all those attempting this to produce involuntary muscle movement. When one person among them imparted a slight rotational force through such movement, the natural addition of others' strength would inevitably lead to increasingly large motions.
According to my experience, if one added a woman to the Kokkuri group, it rotated swiftly; if one added a believer, it swayed readily—this too stemmed from the same principle.
This was because women, by their exceedingly sensitive and credulous nature, possessed an exceptionally strong expectation-intention.
Moreover, as believers focused their attention on the matter at hand, this too became prone to generating involuntary muscle movement.
Two years prior, at Tōshū Shimoda Port, when several policemen had gathered to attempt this, they observed no rotation.
When another believer was added to this group and they attempted it again, they immediately achieved successful rotation.
This occurred because the policemen had already developed faith at that time.
Faith referred to the mind being directed toward a single focus, which was identical to what I term expectation-intention.

When one lacks expectation-intention, it naturally follows that no rotation occurs; moreover, since there exists a relationship where weaker force produces weaker movement and stronger force produces stronger movement, it becomes evident that variations in rotational intensity correspond to the depth or shallowness of one’s faith.
In contrast, those without faith not only failed to concentrate their full mental focus in one direction but also retained full awareness of their bodily control, making it impossible for involuntary muscle movements to occur.
This was the reason why those rich in intellect and those with impartial composure did not witness Kokkuri's rotation.
Even with women, when one thoroughly explained to them that there was no reason for it to rotate, had them close their eyes upon attempting it, and strove to have them maintain mental stillness, in most cases it would not rotate.
However, those who had observed its rotation through multiple prior experiences found it exceedingly difficult to maintain mental stillness, as they naturally became governed by their previous patterns of thought.
Therefore, if one wished to prevent women from producing involuntary muscle movements, one needed to do so with those who had not yet experienced it even once.

Section 40

Furthermore, according to a report by a certain Mr. Ueda, it is said that conducting trials with youths yielded more effective results than doing so with elderly individuals.
This too had its logical basis.
Owing to their robust physical and mental constitution, youths were prone to produce expectation-intention and involuntary muscle movement.
In contrast to this, the elderly, owing to the decline in both willpower and perception, possessed an exceedingly weak capacity to concentrate their minds in a single direction.
Moreover, those advanced in years, owing to their abundance of practical experience, tended toward deliberative thinking that weighed circumstances before and after.
Following this, it became difficult for involuntary muscle movements to arise.

In the world, there exists a mysterious art called rod-convergence.
The method requires one to take a rod approximately five shaku [~1.5m] in both hands, grip its center, let it hang downward, and allow its natural movement; when this was done, the rod's front ends gradually approached each other until they finally met.
This was based on the same principle as Kokkuri and arose from expectation-intention.
Therefore, if one wished to test the workings of Kokkuri, it was entirely feasible to conduct experiments on rod-convergence.
I once commanded several people to attempt rod-convergence, and the results manifested particularly in those prone to developing faith, such as women and children, while I found that those endowed with intellectual prowess and impartial composure showed no such efficacy.

Section 41

To present another example demonstrating the influence of expectation-intention: when one faintly hears an indistinct sound, if they expect it as human speech, it will be perceived as human speech; if they expect it as bird calls, it will be perceived as bird calls; and if they expect it as water sounds, it will be perceived as water sounds.
When one hears a bush warbler’s song and thinks “Hokekyō” [Lotus Sutra], it will sound like “Hokekyō,” and when one hears a cuckoo’s call and thinks “Hototogisu” [return home], it will sound like “Hototogisu.”
Furthermore, when encountering something indistinct in form and color during the night, it may appear as a person, as a demonic being, or as a ghost; since what one expects in their mind differs, its form likewise differs.
What is commonly called “being misled by footsteps”
“Being misled by wind sounds” and similar phenomena all follow this same principle.
Moreover, this principle can also explain Kokkuri.
When conducting this experiment, those participating—particularly when anticipating actual rotation—perceive slight movements even before distinct motion becomes apparent; once it rotates by one sun [~3 cm], it appears to rotate by one shaku [~30 cm].
This significantly facilitates Kokkuri’s operation.

Section 42

In summary of the above arguments, the primary cause of Kokkuri lies in unconscious actions arising from belief-driven intention—that is to say, it originates from expectation-intention and involuntary muscle movement.
To put it another way: when preconceived notions of how matters ought to unfold take root in their minds, these thoughts unknowingly manifest muscular movements that ultimately produce precisely the results they themselves anticipate.
For this reason, it proves most effective upon those prone to generating expectation-intention—such as women and children—while demonstrating no efficacy whatsoever among those possessed of scholarly knowledge.

Section 43

Next, in discussing the influences arising from the second external factor, these were circumstances that promoted expectation-intention—that is to say, circumstances that guided people's faith. Establishing various rituals, setting various rules, and creating various decorations to perform this with solemnity and gravity—all these were nothing but means to invoke people’s faith. For example, placing slips inscribed with Kokkuri inside bamboo, inserting a woman’s hair into a rope, covering it with a wrapping cloth, or warming the lid over a fire—all these were merely means to guide expectation-intention. Preparing libations and offerings, performing music and ritual dances, having a single worshipper stand beside [the altar] to display reverence, having one member solemnly pray, “Kokkuri-sama, descend upon us,” selecting auspicious days, specific houses, and particular individuals—all these undoubtedly stimulated people’s mental faculties.

Furthermore, the influence of public opinion and the very name "Kokkuri," among other factors, were profoundly related.
As previously demonstrated, since society employed the term *Kokkuri* [written as 狐狗狸] for this practice, people hearing this name immediately presumed that fox spirits had descended to possess [the board], with the very nomenclature already fostering a tendency to promote expectation-intention.
In addition to this, society at large had passed down notions that Kokkuri involved spirits and foxes possessing it to announce fortunes and misfortunes, while proclaiming it as a method to invoke supernatural phenomena—such beliefs also greatly aided people’s expectation-intention.

Section 44

In summarizing the causal factors of Kokkuri discussed thus far: First, there existed the circumstance that the Kokkuri apparatus inherently possessed a structure prone to swaying and rotation.
Second, there existed the circumstance that this rotation-prone apparatus came into contact with swaying-prone hands, whereby these two factors mutually reinforced each other, creating circumstances that increasingly promoted swaying and rotation.
Third, there existed the circumstance that intention and faith unknowingly imparted rotational motion through their influence, as well as other circumstances that assisted this.
The schematic was as shown on the left.

┌Item 1 (External factors: Kokkuri apparatus)

│Item 2 (Circumstances between the inner and outer worlds, namely those occurring between hands and apparatus)

Causal Factors┤ ┌Expectation-intention

│ ┌Internal factors┤

└Item 3┤ └Involuntary muscle movement

└External factors (circumstances assisting internal factors)

These various circumstances acted in concert to produce the observed rotation of Kokkuri, and through the rotation of its body and the vertical movement of its legs, thereby came to announce matters of fortune and misfortune, past and future.
However, this was neither the work of spirits nor possession by fox spirits; it was neither electrical action nor intentional action. Rather, there existed various circumstances demonstrable through rational principles that led to its rotation and vertical movement occurring naturally and unintentionally.
Yet when people often regarded Kokkuri as a type of supernatural phenomenon that could not be proven through rational principles, this was not a position I dared adopt.