Pathway to Japanese Literature

I. Introduction

In my previous publication, I presented my humble views on the legitimacy of the *Seii Taishogun* title, clarifying how this military post—long dormant during the Heian period—was first revived by Minamoto no Yoritomo. While historical texts record that Kiso Yoshinaka had already been appointed *Seii Taishogun* prior to this, and though this account had been conventionally accepted by historians since antiquity, I demonstrated that Yoshinaka’s actual appointment was as *Seito Taishogun* (Eastern Expedition Commander) to subjugate Yoritomo—not a barbarian-subduing role—and that in both title and substance, it could not rightly be termed *Seii Taishogun*.

I then discussed in detail the process through which Yoritomo ultimately came to be appointed as *Seii Taishogun*: this appointment had long been his desire and a protracted matter of concern for the imperial court, yet there were opponents among the bureaucrats, and particularly because Retired Emperor Go-Shirakawa refused to sanction it, it was only during the first imperial administration following the Retired Emperor’s passing that this objective was finally achieved.
Minamoto no Yoritomo desired this not only to obtain a legitimate pretext for subjugating the Oshu Fujiwara clan—who, as chieftains over subjugated Emishi in Mutsu, were observing his rear under a Retired Emperor’s decree—but also because framing the new government he sought to establish in Kamakura (separate from Kyoto’s central administration) as a military headquarters during a general’s campaign—that is, a shogunate—proved most strategically advantageous.
Moreover, the imperial court’s hesitation in granting this appointment stemmed not only from their intention to have Fujiwara no Hidehira continually monitor Yoritomo’s rear and thereby restrain his influence but also from the Retired Emperor’s court nobles retaining a lingering attachment to Oshu’s abundant gold tributes.
This chapter will discuss the status of the Oshu Fujiwara clan in Mutsu Province, extend its scope to ethnic matters in Oshu and Dewa at that time, thereby fulfilling the scholarly commitment outlined at the conclusion of my previous publication, and seek to complete my discourse on the significance of Minamoto no Yoritomo’s appointment as *Seii Taishogun*.

II. The Oshu Fujiwara Clan’s Prosperity and Power, and the Fact of Their Usurpation of Royal Lands

Fujiwara no Hidehira was the grandson of Kiyohira, who since his grandfather’s time had governed six districts constituting the core of present-day Rikuchū—Isoawa, Waga, Esashi, Hienuki, Shiwa, and Iwate—and further extended southward to establish a base in Hiraizumi, Iwai District. Through gold dust and other abundant local products, he attained lavish luxury, maintained direct communication with the capital to bribe the Retired Emperor’s court nobles, powerful families, and influential houses, and wielded such authority that it overwhelmed the provincial governors—who could do nothing to counter him—thereby creating the semblance of a covert rival state.

Therefore, discerning samurai and officials were indignant at this; as those who usurped royal lands, they desired not to draw near to them.
These historical materials, though fragmentary, do still exist in some measure.
In *Kojidan*,

When Lord Toshiaki (third son of Uji Major Counselor Takakuni; Major Counselor of Popular Affairs and Chief Administrator of the Empress Dowager’s Household, Minamoto no Toshiaki; died in the 2nd year of Eikyū [1114]) was creating Buddhist statues, it is said that Kiyohira was ordered to present gold dust as foil material.
That lord did not accept it and immediately sent it back, it is said.
Someone inquired about the particulars.
It was answered: "Kiyohira was made to usurp royal lands."
"If one were to rebel now," [the response continued], "it would be determined at that time to dispatch a punitive force."
Therefore, it could not be accepted, it is said.

Thus it is written.
This anecdote exists precisely because Toshiaki was exceptionally upright, but in most cases, their wealth had thoroughly paralyzed everything beyond doubt.
How Kiyohira had amassed such wealth and power can be easily inferred simply by viewing the Golden Hall of Chuson-ji Temple, which still stands today.
He further performed meritorious deeds by constructing numerous temples and pagodas beyond Chuson-ji. Throughout his over thirty years of life, beginning with our nation’s great temples such as Enryaku-ji, Onjo-ji, Todai-ji, and Kofuku-ji, he frequently sent vast quantities of gold dust as far as Mount Tiantai in China to conduct memorial services for a thousand monks.
The portion donated to Onjo-ji Temple alone amounted to one thousand ryō of gold dust at one time; from this, one can infer the scale of his other contributions.
Moreover, the fact that he had usurped royal lands could not possibly be denied, and discerning individuals like Toshiaki had anticipated that an opportunity would surely arise someday to dispatch a punitive force.

Kiyohira’s son Motohira inherited his father’s wealth and power intact, continuing to maintain his stronghold in Mutsu and Dewa as before.
He modeled after his father’s Chuson-ji Temple and established Motsu-ji Temple in its vicinity.
Unfortunately, this temple has left almost nothing from that time to posterity; however, according to what is recorded in the *Azuma Kagami*, it appears to have been far more grand in scale than Chuson-ji.
Chuson-ji is recorded as having over forty temple towers and three hundred Zen quarters, while Motsu-ji similarly had over forty temple towers but reached the considerable number of over five hundred Zen quarters.
Therefore, the *Azuma Kagami* (Bunji 5 [1189 CE], September 22nd entry) also records that Motohira surpassed his father Kiyohira and governed both Mutsu and Dewa provinces.
It is recorded that he requested the Kujō regent family for a plaque in their own handwriting and also had Councillor Fujiwara no Norinaga write the poem card designs for the temple hall.
One can infer how he, following his father’s policy, used the power of gold to approach court nobles.
Moreover, he ultimately failed to obtain the plaque inscribed by Regent Tadamichi of Hosshō-ji.
In *Kojidan*,

When the Hosshō-ji Regent ordered plaques to be inscribed for various locations, [Motohira] submitted a request for a plaque from the Retired Emperor’s quarters in accordance with [the Regent’s] directive, and it was written and presented. When it was heard that the plaque in Mutsu no Motohira’s hall bore [the Retired Emperor’s inscription], a dispute arose, and Imperial Stable Attendant Kikukata was dispatched as an envoy to have it recalled. Although Motohira devised secret schemes, [he] did not comply. Ultimately, after pressuring [him] and thrice defeating [his resistance], they seized [the plaque] and returned, it is said.

Thus it is written. His gold’s power had even troubled the Retired Emperor’s quarters, as he sought through stratagems to acquire Tadamichi’s inscribed plaque. Yet when it became known this was Motohira’s request, they forcibly reclaimed it—and though he spun secret schemes, they ultimately refused compliance. Here we discern Tadamichi’s unyielding integrity while perceiving how Motohira, like his father Kiyohira before him, stood censured by discerning nobles as a usurper of royal lands.

The extent to which Motohira had exercised extreme tyranny is also recorded in *Kojidan*:

When Munakata Kyou no Daibu Nyūdō Morotsuna descended to Mutsu Province as its governor, Motohira usurped the entire province, rendering national authority nonexistent.
When the authorities reported the circumstances to the court and had an imperial decree issued to proceed with inspecting and registering public fields across the province, in Shinobu District—where Motohira had already seized control—the provincial inspectors had not entered on previous occasions.
This time, acting under the imperial decree when they proceeded to inspect and register the lands, Motohira colluded with the district steward and chief administrator Sueharu of said district to resist the inspection.
While the provincial governors, still bearing the imperial decree, pressed forward, arrows were already loosed and battle was joined.
The defending side suffered numerous casualties.

This episode made clear through such an anecdote.
At that time, he extended his influence beyond the six districts inherited from his ancestors as far south as Shinobu District and was what might be called a usurper of royal lands.
Thus, wielding his power, he defied even imperial decrees, resisted the provincial governors, and resorted to battle.
If this was not a splendid act of rebellion, then what could it be?
Moreover, he did not neglect to attempt to cover up this misconduct through the power of gold.
He attributed all blame solely to Steward Sueharu, repeatedly sent his wife and daughters to the provincial governors' residence to have them plead for mercy, offered bribes too numerous to count—with the gold dust alone reportedly amounting to ten thousand ryō.
Moreover, Morotsuna did not permit this and ultimately had Sueharu beheaded.
Given such circumstances, it was only natural that Tadamichi refused to inscribe the plaque; yet it appears that the power of gold once again compelled the Kujō Regent and Councillor Norinaga to attempt the calligraphy for this purpose.

When Motohira established Motsu-ji Temple, he commissioned the Kyoto sculptor Unkei (not to be confused with the renowned Unkei; a prior mention in *Rekishi Chiri* as "Unkei" was a typographical error) to carve a sixteen-foot-tall Yakushi Buddha statue and sculptures of the Twelve Divine Generals.
At this time, Unkei looked down upon this provincial magnate and engaged in extraordinary greed.

According to the *Azuma Kagami*,

During the construction of this principal image, Motohira requested preparations from the sculptor Unkei.
Unkei listed three grades: upper, middle, and lower.
Motohira selected the middle grade and had the materials transported to the sculptor.
These were: one hundred ryō of round gold coins; one hundred bundles of eagle feathers; over sixty sheets of water leopard pelts measuring seven ken in length and medium diameter; one thousand tan of Adachi silk; two thousand tan of Kifu fine cloth; fifty head of Nukabe thoroughbred horses; three thousand tan of white cloth; and one thousand tan of Shinobu felt.
In addition, there were supplementary treasures from the mountains and seas.
Over the three years until completion, the transport of porters and packhorses along mountain paths and sea routes never ceased for a moment.
Additionally, as a separate reward, when three ships laden with raw and fine silk were sent, the sculptor—overjoyed—jokingly remarked, “Though my delight knows no bounds, refined silk remains most precious,” or so it is said. The messenger rushed back and reported this exchange.
Motohira, filled with regret and alarm, also loaded three ships with refined silk and dispatched them.

Thus it is written.
When the Buddhist statue was finally completed, Retired Emperor Toba viewed it and prohibited such a magnificent work from being removed from the capital.
Motohira was deeply troubled by this and, abstaining from all food and drink for seven days, shut himself in his private Buddhist chapel to devote himself wholeheartedly to praying fervently to the Buddha. He then had the Kujō Regent intercede on his behalf, ultimately obtaining imperial approval—or so it is recorded.
He must have spent a considerable amount on lobbying expenses for this as well.

Motohira was also managing Fujiwara Regent Tadamichi's manors, but Tadamichi ordered an increase in taxes, leading to years of repeated disputes.
In the fourth year of Kyūan (1148), when Tadamichi transferred five of his estates—Takakura, Ōsone, Motoyoshi, Yashiro, and Yusa—to Minister of the Left Yoritaka, Yoritaka ordered an exorbitant increase in their taxes.

Estate Name Current Annual Tax Increased Tax

Takakura Estate: 10 ryō of gold, 200 tan of cloth, 10 tan of fine cloth, 2 horses → 50 ryō of gold, 1,000 tan of cloth, 3 horses

Ōsone Estate: 200 tan of cloth, 2 horses → 700 tan of cloth, 2 horses

Motoyoshi Estate: 10 ryō of gold, 2 horses; steward's portion: 5 ryō of gold, 1 horse; [Increased to] 50 ryō of gold, 200 tan of cloth, 4 horses.

Yashiro Estate: 100 tan of cloth, 1 to of lacquer, 2 horses → 200 tan of cloth, 2 to of lacquer, 3 horses.

Yusa Estate: 5 ryō of gold, 3 bundles of eagle feathers, 1 horse → 10 ryō of gold, 10 bundles of eagle feathers, 2 horses

He attempted to raise the taxes twofold to fivefold at once—an act even more excessive than the unreasonable hikes that greedy landlords these days impose upon tenants while looking down on them. Motohira naturally did not comply. After negotiations conducted through replacements yielded results, Motohira reluctantly agreed to a partial tax increase. However, an intriguing account of the behind-the-scenes machinations can be found in Yoritaka’s diary entry for the fourteenth day of the ninth month in Ninpei 3 (1153 CE).

The late Narisada remonstrated, saying: “The Xiongnu are without virtue; one need not obey the sovereign’s commands.”
Therefore, during Regent Tadamichi's time, although there were repeated discussions on the matter, they could not be brought to fruition.
In ancient times during Emperor Xiaowen's reign, Zhao Tuo, Commandant of Nanyue, declared himself emperor.
The Emperor summoned and reprimanded his brothers, appeasing them with virtue.
He finally submitted as a subject.
The Han formed marital alliances with the Xiongnu, yet they breached their covenants and invaded; [the court] commanded border defenses be maintained without dispatching troops deep into their territory, so as not to burden the common people.
The Han house daily diminishes.
The Xiongnu can only be embraced through benevolence.
They have yet to be made to fear through authority.
If they wished to accomplish this matter, Motohira ultimately did not heed them.
You will lose authority in the eastern lands and leave mockery for future generations.
I beseech Your Lordship to deliberate thoroughly on this matter.
Naritaka Ason Toshimichi remonstrated: "When Motohira presents the original amount of annual tribute, if [they] do not accept it, Motohira will certainly increase it."
Even should [it] fall short of the mandated figure, how could there be no increase?
Furthermore, Motohira must have curried favor with the imperial court by devising a scheme to avoid increasing [the tribute].
I beseech Your Lordship to refrain from forming marital alliances.
Narisada stated: "[He] showed no intention of even minimally increasing [the tribute]; the two men sought petty gains without regard."
If Your Lordship heeds their counsel, there will surely be regret.
I heeded the counsel of Naritaka and Toshimichi.
It indeed transpired as they had foretold.

Although Narisada’s words were clever, his considerations did not match those of the two men.

Narisada referred to Motohira as the Xiongnu.
Though called eastern barbarians of Mutsu, was this not an excessive disparagement?
Motohira’s wife—daughter of Abe no Muneto—founded the Kannon Jizaiō-in Hall within Motsu-ji Temple’s precincts.
The four walls bore paintings of Luoyang’s sacred sites, the Buddhist altar was crafted from silver, and the railings gleamed with burnished gold.
Records also note her construction of a Small Amida Hall, commissioning Councillor Fujiwara no Norinaga to produce dyed calligraphy on shōji screens shaped like shikishi poetry cards.

Hidehira, succeeding his father Motohira, further flaunted his parvenu extravagance.
He erected Muryōkō-in Temple, replicating every ornamental detail from Byōdō-in Temple in Uji.
Moreover, during Tōdai-ji’s Great Buddha Hall reconstruction, he stood foremost in responding to fundraising appeals.
The Azuma Kagami chronicles how Hidehira—inheriting his father’s legacy—revived discontinued traditions and restored abandoned practices; upon receiving the shogunal decree, his official rank surpassed ancestral precedents, extending glory to his descendants.
Through three generations—Kiyohira, Motohira, Hidehira—over roughly a century, they raised countless temples and pagodas beyond enumeration.
In those days, Hiraizumi’s culture in Oshu undoubtedly rivaled Kyoto’s burgeoning influence.
That Hidehira dominated Ōshū through inherited virtue while courting Kyoto’s favor—maintaining a veiled semi-independent state that still incensed astute court nobles—becomes evident from subsequent events.
On the twenty-seventh day of the fifth month in Kaō 2 (1170), he received appointment as Commander-in-Chief of the Defense Headquarters.
Kanezane—then Minister of the Right—documented this in his Tamamidare diary,

"The Oshu barbarian Hidehira was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Defense Headquarters.
This is the root of chaotic times."

It states.
Was this perhaps obtained through bribing Daijō-nyūdō Jōkai of that time, or was it the result of currying favor with Retired Emperor Go-Shirakawa?
In any case, there can be no doubt that Kanezane himself was inwardly dissatisfied.
Moreover, he too could do nothing against this golden power of the barbarians.

Eleven years later, on the 15th day of the eighth month of Yōwa 1 (1181), Hidehira was finally appointed as Governor of Mutsu.
This was a strategy devised by Munemori—his son—after Kiyomori’s death to have Hidehira attack Yoritomo from behind; yet for the imperial court, this must have constituted an extraordinary act of decisiveness.
For while precedents existed for appointing a Commander-in-Chief of the Defense Headquarters, making him Governor of Mutsu meant entrusting the province wholly to barbarians in both name and substance.
Kanezane was naturally privately opposed to this.
Moreover, he too found himself powerless to prevent it, and thus this resolution came to pass.
The *Tamamidare* records this matter and states:

This matter had been resolved in prior deliberations.
What greater shame could befall the realm than this?
How pitiable! How pitiable!

”.
The so-called aforementioned resolution is found in the entry for the sixth day of the same month,

The rebel forces of Kanto (Yoritomo) still had not been pursued and subjugated.
due to their remaining momentum being formidable.
With Kyoto’s government troops, [they] would find it difficult to attack and capture [them] readily.
It was proposed by Former Major Captain (Taira no Munemori) that Hidehira, a resident of Mutsu, should be appointed as Governor of that province.
The aforementioned province had largely been plundered.
In that case, what purpose does this appointment serve?
How? ……

I humbly state:
The matter of subjugation lies solely as the foremost duty of the Taishogun.
And as for the proposal regarding the Former Major Captain, no objections could be raised.
In that case, what purpose does Hidehira’s appointment as Governor of Mutsu serve?
All these matters are entirely without rational basis.
The situation had already become unmanageable.
Thus disregarding future repercussions and oblivious to surrounding adversities, they proceeded with implementing what needed to be done for the exigencies of the time.

Given this development, even Minister of the Right Kanezane—who had privately lamented, "What greater disgrace could there be than this for the realm?"—found himself without time to consider future repercussions or weigh potential surrounding adversities, ultimately being compelled to express straightforward agreement.
Moreover, when it came to Munemori’s rationale for this recommendation—that Mutsu Province had already been largely plundered, rendering it unworthy of regret now—such reasoning defied all sense. Yet the circumstances of the time compelled them to acknowledge this very usurpation and plundering in practice.
In response to Yoritomo’s rise, it was only natural that Kyoto went to such lengths to appease this powerful and wealthy Hidehira and attempt to have him attack Yoritomo’s rear.
The Genpei Seisuiki records that in February (or intercalary February) and April of that year, Retired Emperor’s decrees ordering Yoritomo’s subjugation were issued to Hidehira, with even the full text dated April 28 being included.
In response to this, Hidehira is recorded as stating, “As even plants and trees bow before Lieutenant of the Headquarters (Yoritomo), making opposition difficult, I found no grounds to proceed and thus desisted.” Yet there can be no doubt that Hidehira constituted a formidable enemy state for Yoritomo.
The circumstances that made it impossible for Yoritomo to leave Kamakura with ease were rooted primarily there.

Moreover, that February’s Retired Emperor’s decree was indeed factual, as seen in the Tamamidare entry for the twelfth day of the third month of that year:

Hidehira submitted a petition for the imperial decree.
The document stated: “I deployed strategies in fish-scale formations and repelled bandits at the northern frontiers.”
...

It states.
Moreover, immediately following this was another passage stating, “However, he is utterly unreliable...” Thus, whether Hidehira would actually comply remained uncertain in Kyoto.

The entry for the first day of the same month also states:

It was heard that Hidehira should pursue and attack Yoritomo; advancing foot soldiers, they had this reported to the Former Major Captain (Munemori).
Without seeking the Retired Emperor’s approval, they directly presented the battle report.
It was stated that they should swiftly attack and capture [the target].
However, Hidehira remained completely unshaken.
He was merely permitted to state matters in such terms.
...

It states.

Moreover, the entry for the 17th day states:

It was heard that Hidehira, to attack Yoritomo, led an army of over twenty thousand cavalrymen beyond Shirakawa Barrier.
Because of this, the warriors of Musashi and Sagami turned against Yoritomo.
Thus, Yoritomo returned and took up residence in Awa Province’s castle, it is said.

They recorded such convenient rumors, while the entry for April 21st also shows entirely contradictory hearsay—that Yoritomo had made an agreement to take Hidehira’s daughter into his fold yet had not fulfilled this matter, and that not a single person in the Kanto provinces acted contrary to Yoritomo’s will.
When Minamoto no Yoshinaka entered Kyoto from the northern provinces and the Taira clan fell into ruin in the western seas, this Yoshinaka—raised solely in the countryside and utterly unaccustomed to the capital’s ways, uncouth through and through—not only grew arrogant from his military victories and behaved insolently toward the court nobles but also struggled to supply provisions for his massive force stationed in Kyoto. Indulging in plundering wherever they went, his troops even cut down farmers’ green barley to feed their horses, swiftly becoming an object of resentment for both high and low.
The Retired Emperor expressed his hope that Yoritomo would come and subjugate this threat.
Yoshinaka surrounded the Retired Emperor at Hōjūji-den and ultimately compelled him to issue a decree appointing him as Seitō Taishōgun (Barbarian-Subduing General of the East), making preparations to subjugate Yoritomo; they even sent a Retired Emperor’s decree as far as Hidehira, seeking to launch a pincer attack against Yoritomo.
This matter is indeed recorded in the entry for the fifteenth day of the twelfth month of Juei 2 (1183 CE) in the *Kikki*.

Under such circumstances, the Oshu Fujiwara clan—once condemned as barbarians who governed six districts to amass great wealth and usurped royal lands—reached a point where Hidehira had nearly completed plundering most of Mutsu Province. Even the imperial court, driven by the necessity to have Yoritomo subjugated, found no time to consider future repercussions and ultimately acknowledged this reality. Thus, despite making contemporary ministers lament, “What greater shame could there be for the realm than this?” Hidehira was finally appointed Governor of Mutsu, bringing the entire province under his de facto control in both name and substance.
In response to this, Yoritomo found himself compelled to create some pretext and launch a barbarian-subduing campaign—a course of events that must indeed be deemed unavoidable.

III. The Oshu Fujiwara Clan and Their Retainers

The fact that Fujiwara no Motohira, Hidehira, and others in Mutsu Province were recognized as barbarians akin to the Xiongnu stands as an unequivocal truth through the courtier diaries cited above.
If this be so, were they truly descendants of subjugated Emishi—that is, assimilated Emishi?
Genealogical records transmit that they were indeed the legitimate descendants of Tawara no Tōta Hidesato.
Though these transmitted accounts vary in particulars, let us examine according to the "Oshu Fujiwara Clan Genealogy" contained within the *Zoku Gunsho Ruijū*.

Hidesato – Chitsune – Bunshū┬Bun’yō – Kimimitsu – Kiyokiyo – Hidekiyo – Yasukiyo – Norikiyo (Saigyō)

└Kanemitsu—Masayori—Tsunekiyo—Kiyohira┬Motohira—Hidehira—Yasuhira

└Tadatsugu┬Tsugunobu

└Tadanobu

It states.

That Saigyō Hōshi was a descendant of Hidesato was evident from his own words recorded in the *Azuma Kagami* (entry for the fifteenth day of the eighth month of Bunji 2): “Though I initially upheld our family’s tradition of archery and horsemanship during my secular life, upon taking monastic vows in August of Hōen 3 [1137], the military strategies passed down through nine generations of direct lineage since Lord Hidesato were lost.” Furthermore, given that the same text states, “Governor of Mutsu Hidehira Nyūdō belongs to the same clan as the Venerable [Saigyō],” there can be no doubt that Hidehira’s status as Hidesato’s descendant was already recognized at the time. Furthermore, the same text (*Azuma Kagami*; Bunji 5 [1189], ninth month, seventh day entry) records Yasuhira’s retainer Yurihachirō berating Kajiwara Kagetoki with the words: “The late Lord [Yasuhira], as the legitimate heir of General Hidesato’s direct lineage, has inherited the title of Commander-in-Chief of the Defense Headquarters for three generations.” Given this, there can be no doubt that such claims were actively asserted in Mutsu Province as well.

According to transmitted accounts, Hidesato was said to be a descendant of Fujiwara no Uona, the Left Minister. This genealogy was not entirely free from doubt. They may have originally been eastern warriors—local magnates of the eastern provinces—who falsely attached their lineage to an eminent family. Moreover, regarding those later called the Oshu Fujiwara clan, the *Mutsu Waki* records that Minamoto no Yoriyoshi rebuked Kiyohira’s father Tsunekiyo: "Your ancestors have served mine for generations as household retainers." He declared: "For years you have disregarded imperial authority and scorned your former liege—this is high treason!" The *Azuma Kagami* further notes that when Yoritomo attacked Yasuhira without imperial sanction, he cited as pretext that "Yasuhira has inherited the legacy of a multi-generational vassal." This confirms their lineage originally belonged to Minamoto vassals. It is possible their family—having resided in the Eastern Provinces since ancestral times as so-called eastern warriors—may have directly or indirectly carried subjugated Emishi lineage. However, I shall set this aside as a separate issue from current research.

In any case, accepting that the Oshu Fujiwara clan were descendants of Hidesato as their genealogy indicates, upon further examination of their subsequent lineage, we find that Kiyohira’s mother was the daughter of Abe no Yoritoki, chieftain of the subjugated Emishi. At this point, there can be no doubt that he had inherited Emishi blood.
Given that his mother became the second wife of Kiyohara no Takeyasu—a chieftain of the subjugated Emishi—and that Kiyohira himself was raised in that household from childhood before succeeding his stepfather Takeyasu in governing the six districts of Mutsu, it stands to reason that others would have recognized him as belonging to an Emishi lineage.
There is no inherent reason that a chieftain of subjugated Emishi must himself be of their ethnic stock.
It is hardly surprising that Dan, son of Ōtomo no Ōmuraji Muroya, became the leader of the Saeki military unit composed of barbarian tribes and established the House of Saeki no Sukune.
However, those designated as chieftains of the subjugated Emishi during the Heian period were individuals who commanded respect among the Emishi communities of their respective provinces.
The *Nihon Kōki* entry for the second day of the sixth month of Kōnin 3 (812 CE) states that from among their own kind, they selected one individual of discerning disposition who commanded the people’s respect and appointed him as chieftain.
From this perspective, there is some reason to consider that the Abe clan—chieftains of the subjugated Emishi in Mutsu—and the Kiyohara clan—chieftains of the subjugated Emishi in Dewa Yamakita—were themselves of Emishi stock.
In particular, the Abe clan themselves seem to have acknowledged that they were an indigenous people.
This can be inferred from the fact that the Akita Andō clan—who claim descent from them—asserted themselves to be descendants of Nagasunehiko’s elder brother, a claim explicitly documented in the writings of Akita Sanesue.

There was abundant additional evidence that the Abe clan had been of Emishi origin, as I previously discussed in my own work *Dokushi Hyakuwa* and later addressed rebuttals in *Kokugakuin Zasshi* Volume 19, Number 11, as noted therein.
Moreover, clans such as the Kiyohara were also recognized as barbarians at the time; this too I had previously discussed in an article titled “The Barbarian Kiyohara no Takenori” published in Volume 20, Number 4 of *Rekishi Chiri*.
Given that Fujiwara no Kiyohira—whose mother was the daughter of Abe no Yoritoki and who inherited his position through his stepfather Kiyohara no Takeyasu—was himself recognized as subjugated Emishi, this should have come as no surprise.
In later ages as well, there were cases where Wajin became Ainu sons-in-law and actively served as their chieftains.
Therefore, when he built Chuson-ji Temple and presented a votive text to its principal Buddha, he explicitly declared himself to be a subjugated Emishi.

This humble disciple am a distant chieftain of the Eastern barbarians.
Having been born into a sacred era free from military campaigns, I long belonged to an enlightened age rich in benevolent grace.
Through my efforts, conflicts diminished among barbarian villages and tribal settlements; through my governance, anxieties faded from enemy camps and battlefields.
At this juncture, this unworthy disciple supplements my ancestors' remaining legacy while mistakenly occupying leadership over subjugated Emishi.

He stood indeed as a distant chieftain of Eastern barbarians, inheriting his forebears' legacy to preside over subjugated Emishi beyond doubt.
Whatever their genealogies might assert, however he styled himself publicly then, this truth—confessed before Buddha himself—remains irrefutable.

Then, what manner of people were his subordinates?
Even if we concede that Kiyohira was indeed a descendant of Hidesato, and Hidesato unquestionably a descendant of Uona, this merely reflects our ancient customs that recognized only male-line succession—establishing their pedigree as such—while leaving no doubt that he had intermingled with subjugated Emishi blood, inherited their succession, and become their chieftain.
Moreover, that his subordinates were undeniably inhabitants of barbarian villages and tribal settlements—their existence rooted in battlefield encampments—remains irrefutable through his candid confession before the Buddha.
In the votive text Minamoto no Yukie presented to the Grand Shrine of Ise recounting the Later Three Years' War, he declared: "My grandfather Yoshiie... subdued the disloyal Takehira and Ieharo for the realm, exerted authority over the Eastern barbarians, elevated his name in the western capital... extending imperial majesty to barbarian lands and spreading benevolent grace throughout the realm." Though from a slightly later period, this too designates Oshu as barbarian territory and its people as Eastern barbarians.
When Chōgen of Tōdai-ji later undertook rebuilding the Great Buddha Hall burned by Taira no Shigehira, his first choice for chief patron was precisely this barbarian domain—a realm of tribal settlements and martial encampments.
At that time, Fujiwara no Hidehira—the wealthy Eastern barbarian chieftain—being kin to Venerable Saigyō, prompted the monk to journey afar soliciting donations through these clan ties (*Azuma Kagami*, Bunji 2 [1186], eighth month, sixteenth day entry).
Hidehira initially responded to this appeal, with Mutsu and Dewa's populace following his example before gradually spreading to other provinces.
This is chronicled in the *Tōdai-ji Zōryū Kuyōki* as follows:

Contributions were solicited in the eastern lands of the Emishi, and the barbarian groups offered substantial donations.
This was considered a marvel.

Here, Fujiwara no Hidehira Marodo—a fierce warrior of Mutsu—displayed exceptional sincerity and dedication, devoting himself entirely to employing expedient means through his knowledgeable connections.
Through Marodo’s loyal service, the forming of karmic ties in Mutsu was fully achieved; from that point onward, connections were gradually established throughout all under heaven.

It states as such.
The people of Mutsu and Dewa at that time were indeed recognized as barbarian groups, and their land was indeed acknowledged as Emishi territory.
Needless to say, the Emishi (毛人) refer to the Ainu people.
And indeed, Hidehira inherited his ancestors' work, stood at the head of those barbarian groups, and governed the realm of the Emishi.

In Bunji 5 (1189 CE), with the fall of the Oshu Fujiwara clan, Yoritomo had Kaisai Kiyoshige govern Mutsu Province.
Moreover, it appeared administering this barbarian land through ordinary governance faced considerable challenges, for a notice posted at the provincial office on the first day of the tenth month of that same year stated: "All matters within the province shall be handled in accordance with the precedents established by Hidehira and Yasuhira."
However, in Dewa, officials at the administrative office violated established conventions by attempting to inspect the jito's manda fields. This provoked grievances from the jito, leading to the delivery of the following command to the Dewa Administrative Office on the twenty-fourth day of the same month under Ōe no Hiromoto's authority.

Whereas inspections in this province have revealed plans to abolish numerous jito-administered manda fields across various locations, We were astonished to hear of this matter.
In the lands of Dewa and Mutsu, being barbarian territories, they have repeatedly been exempted from new regulations; [we] strictly adhere to ancient customs and shall introduce no novel practices.
In that case, why are these manda fields to be abolished?
Regarding manda fields existing outside public lands, it is hereby communicated that there shall be no discrepancies in their administration as in previous years, in accordance with the command of the Lord of Kamakura.

October 24th: Former Governor of Inaba

Dewa Administrative Office

Even Kamakura's military supremacy required special administrative measures for Mutsu and Dewa provinces.
This necessity stemmed precisely from their designation as "barbarian territory."
Through this lens, we discern the period's political realities.

IV. The Account of Yoritomo’s Oshu Subjugation

The lands of Mutsu and Dewa had once seen imperial majesty radiate from present-day northern Iwate Prefecture to southeastern Aomori Prefecture—specifically from Nisattai to Tsugaru—through Sakanoue no Tamuramaro’s monumental campaigns against the Emishi. However, after the Emishi tribes regained their strength, the northern regions gradually fell under their control. By the time of the *Engi Minbushiki* (Engi-era legal code), the Mutsu Provincial Headquarters’ jurisdiction had become confined to the northern districts of Kesennuma, Isawa, and Esashi. Meanwhile, Waga, Hienuki, Shiwa, Iwate, Heii, and other areas constituting most of modern Iwate Prefecture lay entirely beyond the provincial governors’ authority.

While the *Engi Shingishiki* (Engi-era Regulations for Deities) does list one official shrine within Shiwa District, this entry was likely carried over verbatim from an older shrine registry (the *Engi Shingishiki* containing numerous other unrevised records from earlier times) and does not reflect contemporary administrative realities.

Therefore, this fact conversely demonstrates that whereas the provincial governors’ administration had once extended at least as far as the Shiwa region, by the Engi era these territories had reverted to barbarian lands and were consequently excluded from the *Minbushiki*.

Thus, the Abe clan—chieftains of the subjugated Emishi who ruled the lands north of Waga, including the districts of Hienuki, Shiwa, and Iwate—gradually expanded their influence southward to usurp the two districts of Esashi and Isawa listed in the *Engishiki*. After governing these so-called six districts and advancing beyond the Koromo River to extend their grasp of usurped territories into Iwai District, matters finally reached a point where the so-called Former Nine Years’ War became unavoidable.
At that time, the region north of the so-called six districts—stretching from what are now Ninohe and Kunohe counties in the north to Tsugaru—was likely regarded as hinterlands unaffiliated with the Abe clan and, needless to say, placed beyond the reach of imperial administration.
Thus, the outcome of that campaign was that after Minamoto no Yoriyoshi and his son Yoshiie’s twelve-year struggle, they finally managed to destroy the Abe clan with the aid of Kiyohara no Takenori and his brother—chieftains of the subjugated Emishi in Dewa and Senboku. However, Takenori was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Defense Headquarters for his merit, relocated from Dewa to Isawa to inherit the Abe clan’s former six districts, and they had no choice but to leave the land under the control of the subjugated Emishi as before.
No—the Kiyohara clan had undoubtedly extended their influence across both Mutsu and Dewa provinces, surpassing even the Abe clan.

Therefore, when Yoshiie was appointed as Governor of Mutsu and intervened in its internal conflicts, ultimately leading to what became known as the Later Three Years’ War, this too must be acknowledged as an unavoidable course of events.
Moreover, the outcome mirrored the previous campaign: after five years of war, they barely managed to destroy the Kiyohara clan. Yet this did not lead to transferring the land under provincial governor control, and Fujiwara no Kiyohira—still a subjugated Emishi—had to remain entrusted with governing the traditional six districts as before, inheriting them through his adoption by Kiyohara no Takemasa.
In short, both the Former Nine Years’ and Later Three Years’ campaigns resulted in what might be called driving away a tiger at the front gate only to let a wolf in through the back.
Notably, during the Kōhō era, Fujiwara no Kiyohira relocated his residence from Toyoda Hall in Esashi District further south to Hiraizumi in Iwai District, thereby actualizing what the Abe clan had previously attempted beyond the Koromo River and demonstrating an increasingly southward momentum.
Not only did he construct Buddhist temple complexes in over ten thousand villages across Mutsu and Dewa provinces, but he is also said to have donated lamp oil imbued with Buddha-nature.
In fact, their influence doubtless extended across these two provinces.

When it came to his son Motohira, it is said that he not only surpassed his father in governing both provinces but even attempted to resist the provincial governor’s land inspection in the distant southern Shinobu District.
Given that Hidehira, succeeding his predecessors, had plundered most of Mutsu Province, how could Yoritomo—who inherited the legitimate lineage of his ancestors Yoriyoshi and Yoshiie and now stood poised to unify the realm under his authority—possibly tolerate these barbarians slumbering at his very doorstep?
Moreover, Hidehira had not only been appointed as Governor of Mutsu through the Taira clan’s recommendation and openly seized control of Oshu but now operated under imperial decrees while perpetually positioning himself to strike from the shadows.
Even after the Taira clan had fallen into ruin in the western sea, he continued to hold an imperial decree ordering him to jointly attack Yoritomo alongside Yoshinaka.
Faced with this, Yoritomo was inevitably forced to assume the position of an enemy of the court.
Could Yoritomo possibly sit idly by this?
He had already in April of Juei 1 [1182 CE] summoned the Venerable Mongaku from Takao to enshrine the Great Benzaiten at Enoshima in Sagami Province, even performing twenty-one days of severe fasting austerities to dedicate prayers for Hidehira's subjugation.
That he had long sought appointment as Seii Taishogun was indeed driven by his desire to legitimize the subjugation of Hidehira—a point already elaborated in preceding sections.

However, Retired Emperor Go-Shirakawa never granted this during his reign.
This can be attributed to His Cloistered Eminence’s twofold design: firstly, his intention to have the Fujiwara clan check Kamakura’s power, and secondly, his reluctance to relinquish hope for their abundant gold dust contributions and other material tributes—as previously discussed. Indeed, until the very end, the Retired Emperor continued urging Mutsu Province to supply gold dust.
In March of Bunji 5 [1189 CE], even as Hidehira had already died and his son Yasuhira had succeeded to the house—and when they were on the verge of facing Kamakura’s punitive campaign due to the crime of secretly sheltering Yoshitsune, who was then deemed an enemy of the court—His Cloistered Eminence still sent a missive to Kamakura urging this matter.
In an official missive dated the tenth day of this month from Acting Middle Counselor Tsunefusa,

Regarding Mutsu Province’s gold tribute: it was designated for next year’s imperial coming-of-age ceremony expenses, the needs of the Retired Emperor’s court, and various other purposes.
And yet Yasuhira was negligent without cause—an occurrence most strange indeed.
You must expedite [the matter] without delay.
Moreover, directives were issued to the provincial governors as well.

It states as such.
At that time, the imperial court had indeed come to rely upon the Fujiwara clan’s contributions both for Emperor Go-Toba’s imperial coming-of-age ceremony and for various expenses within the Retired Emperor’s court.
Given these circumstances, it was only natural that the Retired Emperor hesitated until the very end to grant Yoritomo the title of Seii Taishogun.

However, as Yoritomo increasingly consolidated his power, his oppressive measures gradually extended to Mutsu Province as well.
In the year following the Taira clan’s downfall—that is, by Bunji 2 (1186 CE)—a written notice was sent to Hidehira stipulating that henceforth, all gold dust and other goods previously presented by him to the imperial court must now pass through Yoritomo’s hands.

"The Lord of Oshu is master of the Six Northern Districts; I am the Supreme Commander of the Tōkaidō. It is only natural that we maintain a relationship as inseparable as fish and water. However, separated by the distance of our jurisdictions, there exists no avenue through which to conduct formal communications. Furthermore, matters such as tribute horses and gold are obligations of the land. How could I not govern these tributes? I must relay this as early as this year. Moreover, this upholds the intent of the imperial decree. And so forth."

In response to this, Hidehira found himself with no means to refuse any longer; in April, he sent a written pledge agreeing that tribute horses, gold, and other goods would henceforth first be processed through Kamakura before being transmitted to the capital. However much Yoritomo may have been Supreme Commander of the Tōkaidō, there should have been no justification for him to interfere with tributes sent to the imperial court via public state routes. Yet he forcibly implemented a policy—mirroring how Fujiwara no Mototsune had once received an imperial decree requiring all affairs, great and small, to be reported to the Great Minister of State before being submitted for imperial approval, thereby erecting a barrier called the regency between emperor and subjects that severed direct communication—demanding that all samurai across the land first pass through Kamakura before maintaining relations with the imperial court. He had already established, even before the fall of the Taira clan, that all military appointments must necessarily be made through his recommendation.

However, in the eighth month of Genryaku 1 [1184 CE], Yoshitsune was appointed Lieutenant of the Left Gate Guards without undergoing proper procedures, provoking Yoritomo's intense wrath—which ultimately led Yoritomo to petition for an imperial decree designating him as an enemy of the court to be pursued and captured.
Yet Yoshitsune skillfully evaded their search efforts and journeyed all the way to Oshu to secretly seek refuge with Hidehira.
For Yoritomo, this proved an unexpected boon, granting him legitimate pretext to subjugate Hidehira.
Were one to venture conjecture here, it might be said Yoshitsune had been tacitly guided toward this downfall through strategic maneuvers akin to a shogi endgame tactic—traceable to patronage received in his youth.

In any case, Yoshitsune seeking refuge with Hidehira provided Kamakura with a legitimate pretext for subjugating Oshu. Yoritomo petitioned repeatedly for edicts from the Retired Emperor’s Office, hoping to suppress Hidehira on grounds of harboring the rebel Yoshitsune and inciting revolt. However, the imperial court merely ordered Yoshitsune’s apprehension and steadfastly refused to authorize an invasion of Oshu.
In time, Hidehira died, and his son Yasuhira, fearing Kamakura’s might, launched a surprise attack on Yoshitsune’s residence on the 30th day of the intercalary fourth month of Bunji 5 (1189 CE), killing him.
Thus, when the courier arrived in Kamakura on May 22nd and this was reported to the capital, Tsunefusa’s reply arriving on June 8th conveyed His Cloistered Eminence’s delight at Yoshitsune’s execution. With Yoshitsune’s demise, an edict was issued stating that the realm would surely be pacified and that they should now sheathe their bows and arrows.
This was indeed in accordance with His Cloistered Eminence’s rightful will—with Yoshitsune, who had been declared an enemy of the court through Yoritomo’s coercion, now already slain, Yasuhira ought rather to be rewarded for this deed and have no cause to face punitive campaigns. Yet there can be no doubt that Yoritomo’s true intent lay not in Yoshitsune’s execution but rather in the subjugation of Oshu.

Thereupon, he immediately commenced preparations for the expedition, and on June 6th—at the behest of Hojo Tokimasa—began constructing Ganjōju-in Temple in Izu Hojo to pray for the success of the Oshu Campaign, while also urgently petitioning the imperial court in Kyoto to issue a punitive decree.
In response, though the simmering discontent in the Kanto region was difficult to quell, His Cloistered Eminence still withheld approval—citing Yoshitsune’s execution and particularly this year’s various obstacles, including the construction of the Grand Shrine’s main hall and the rebuilding of Daibutsuji Temple—and instead requested that the matter be postponed at least until the end of this year.
However, in Kamakura, soldiers for the Oshu Campaign had already begun streaming in, their numbers swiftly reaching one thousand, and there was no longer any way to stop this.
Though this matter had been reported to the throne and imperial approval had yet to be granted, in military camps there are times when they heed the shogun’s commands without listening to the emperor’s edicts.
Moreover, given that Yasuhira had inherited the ancestral lands of generations of Minamoto family retainers, it would be no surprise if punishment were imposed even without an imperial decree being issued.
If the massed soldiers were to spend several days in Kamakura, they would only become a burden upon their return; using this rationale—that they must swiftly depart—Yoritomo himself finally set out on his campaign on July 19th, defying the imperial decree.
Thus, in Kyoto as well, the Retired Emperor deigned to recognize that there was now no alternative, and an imperial decree for Yasuhira’s subjugation was issued under the same date.
The document stated:

Yasuhira and others, residents of Mutsu Province—being endowed with a treacherous nature—arrogantly dominate the frontier. At times they shelter rebels and rashly share their ambitions; at others, they defy imperial envoys as if forgetting the court’s authority. Has the very framework of their conduct already reached the point of outright rebellion? Not only have they plundered the two provinces of Mutsu and Dewa while failing to deliver tributes from public and manor lands, but they have also neglected regular Buddhist rituals and payments to officials and nobles—rendering their duties futile and their functions wanting. Their treacherous schemes are not singular; they cannot escape severe punishment. It is hereby commanded that Senior Second Rank Minamoto courtier [Yoritomo] subjugate his person [Yasuhira] and permanently eradicate future transgressions.

It read as such.
This "imperial decree" arrived at Yoritomo's camp in Mutsu Province six days after Yasuhira had already been killed—that is, on September 9th.
Perhaps this occurred after they had realized that the tide of war had turned against Yasuhira.
When one considers how this punitive order was abruptly issued by none other than Retired Emperor Go-Shirakawa—the same sovereign who had previously issued multiple decrees for Yoritomo’s subjugation and, until half a month prior, had admonished [the court] to delay Yasuhira’s pursuit—the contemporary relationship between the militarily potent samurai class and the court nobility clinging to nominal authority becomes starkly apparent. One could well infer the circumstances that led Yoritomo to establish precedents for permanent military governance at the shogunate headquarters, creating a reality where even imperial commands went unheeded within the shogun’s encampments.

Even as Minamoto no Yoritomo solidified his resolve for the Oshu Campaign and finally set about its execution, he, mindful that his enemy would not be easily overcome, not only rigorously fortified his military preparations but also fervently sought divine protection.
In addition to the previously mentioned retreat of Mongaku on Enoshima and Tokimasa’s establishment of Ganjōju-in Temple, on June 28th he repurposed the Tsuruoka Hōjō-e ceremony into prayers for Yasuhira’s subjugation; on the 29th, he sent an image of Aizen Myōō to Mount Jikō in Musashi to have rituals performed; on July 5th, he donated paddy fields to Fuji Goryō Taishaku-in in Suruga; on the 18th, he ordered Izu-san Senkōbō to intensify supplications and commanded the construction of Buddhist temples; during his campaign’s march, he made votive offerings at Utsunomiya to pledge his vows; furthermore, in Kamakura on August 10th, his wife Masako led several ladies-in-waiting in performing hundredfold pilgrimages to Tsuruoka—all of which were recorded as prayers for the Oshu Campaign.

The above constitutes all that appears in the *Azuma Kagami*; however, according to records in the *Tōji Chōja Bunin* stating that rituals to subdue Yasuhira were performed at Tō-ji Temple in Kyoto during the same August, it is likely that similar rites were conducted at numerous other shrines and temples as well.
Despite adopting such a cautious approach and personally taking to the campaign trail as commander—an unprecedented move—Yasuhira fundamentally lacked fighting spirit; having previously killed Yoshitsune in compliance with orders and then, on June 26th, even killing his own younger brother Izumi Saburo Tadahira under the pretext of his collusion with Yoshitsune, he stood no chance against the battle-hardened Kamakura warriors.
On August 9th, the defenses at Atsukashi-yama were first breached; on August 21st, Yasuhira set fire to his Hiraizumi residence and fled north; ultimately, while attempting to escape to Hokkaido, he was killed on September 3rd at Niegun Niesaku due to the betrayal of his subordinate Kawada Jirō.
From the first clash at Atsukashi-yama, a mere twenty-odd days sufficed for the Oshu Fujiwara clan—whose century-long splendor had graced Hiraizumi—to perish there. Likewise, the subjugated Emishi forces that had entrenched themselves at the heart of Mutsu and Dewa for three generations spanning approximately 140 years since the Abe clan’s era were, for the first time, overthrown from their very foundations there.

V. Post-War Management

After quelling the rebellion, Minamoto no Yoritomo appointed Kasa no Saburo Kiyoshige as magistrate to oversee the promotions and demotions of Oshu vassals, with meritorious warriors below him receiving respective rewards; then on March 15 of the following year, he further designated Izawa Sakon no Shōgen Iekage as Oshu Custodian, whereupon both men came to be called Oshu Chief Magistrates and assumed governance of provincial affairs.
At that time, there was also a Custodian Office in Dewa Province, but it remains unclear who was responsible for managing its duties.
In accordance with precedents set during Hidehira and Yasuhira’s era, it is likely that the so-called Oshu Chief Magistrates had governed both Mutsu and Dewa Provinces.
The *Azuma Kagami* entry for October of Bunji 5 (1189) states that domestic affairs should be administered according to Hidehira and Yasuhira’s precedents, while its August entry of Shōji 2 (1200) further records that during the late shogun’s reign, it was decreed that land stewards’ duties across all districts and villages in Mutsu and Dewa Provinces must adhere to Hidehira and Yasuhira’s former regulations.

At this time, how far did the reach of the Oshu Chief Magistrates Kasa and Izawa truly extend? According to an entry dated the 8th day of the 11th month of Bunji 5 (1189) in the *Azuma Kagami*, agricultural seed stock supplied for relief provisions to impoverished people covered five districts—Iwai, Isawa, Esashi, Waga, and Hienuki—with no distribution reaching Shiwa, Iwate, or areas north thereof. While this limited scope might reflect fewer war-torn areas and less civilian hardship in northern regions at the time, one could not conclusively determine the northern administrative boundary from this alone. Nevertheless, governance clearly never extended beyond the six districts formerly under Fujiwara control; it is inferred that shogunate administration during this period likely ended at Iwate District as its northern limit. The lands north of Ninohe and Kunohe corresponded to what the *Mutsu Waki* termed the remote interior—broadly called Nukabe ("Kasabe District" in the *Azuma Kagami* being an apparent scribal error)—which remained largely beyond civilized governance even then, territories that Emishi chieftains like the Abe, Kiyohara, and Fujiwara clans themselves had effectively abandoned.

At the time of the Oshu pacification, few clear records existed regarding the regions granted as rewards to the various generals.
The *Azuma Kagami* records that Hatakeyama Shigetada was granted the small Katsuraoka District (part of later Tamatsukuri District), while Kasai Kiyoshige received several locations including Isawa, Iwai, and Oshika Districts. Beyond these, it merely states that Chiba no Suke reportedly received the most land and that Shigetada’s associates all benefited from extensive grants across multiple areas—yet none of these place names are explicitly recorded.
While family chronicles of old Oshu households describe their ancestors’ military merits in this campaign and certain land grants, some names do not even appear among the generals listed in the *Azuma Kagami*. With no other historical materials for reference, a great many details remain unclear as to how far these accounts can be trusted.

The name of Nambu Jirō Mitsuyuki—reputed ancestor of the Nambu clan—indeed appears among those who accompanied the departure from Kamakura, rendering his participation in this campaign indisputable. However, assertions that he received either the Nukabe Five Districts or specifically the five districts of Kunohe, Hei, Kazuno, Tsugaru, and Nukabe at this time not only contradict factual records but also regrettably lack any corroborating evidence whatsoever.
According to the *Hōreki Kanki*, a certain Andō Gorō had been stationed in Tsugaru as Yoshitoki’s deputy to secure control over the Eastern barbarians.
Furthermore, the Enbun-era *Suwa Daimyōjin Ekotoba* records that although no paramount chieftain had originally existed in those territories, the samurai authorities established a certain Andōta as Emishi Governor to suppress their reckless rebellions.
The variant *Hōki Volume* also states: “Andō Mata-Tarō Suenaga et cetera, a resident of Tsugaru in Oshu—this Andō refers to descendants of those for whom Andō’s second son was stationed in Tsugaru during Yoshitoki’s era as a restraint upon the Emishi islands.”
Whether termed Andō Gorō, Andōta, or Andō’s second son, all references indicate the same individual—one who claimed descent from Abe no Sadato and indeed became progenitor of the later Akita clan.
Presumably, these barbarian chieftains of the remote interior later obtained formal confirmation of their ancestral domains from the warrior houses.
Moreover, documentary evidence from *Hōjō Kudai-ki*, *Hōreki Kanki*, and *Shōmyō-ji Monjo* makes clear that their subordinate populations were still officially recognized as Emishi even by the Kamakura period’s end.
It stands to reason that even after the Fujiwara clan’s destruction, Kamakura’s authority had yet to fully penetrate these so-called Oshu districts. Much as the Kitakami River basin remained entrusted to Emishi chieftains following the Zenkunen and Gosannen Wars, [the regime] likely continued recognizing local lords’ territorial control while leaving administrative matters to their discretion.

Thus, by the late Kamakura period, when the Emishi under their control revolted and the shogunate found itself unable to readily suppress them, it resorted to prayers for tranquility at shrines and temples. Though they briefly perceived divine efficacy around Bunpo 2 [1318 CE] (*Shōmyō-ji Documents*), this proved fleeting. From Genko [1321–1324] through Shochu [1324–1326] to Karyaku [1326–1329], the unrest persisted. In Karyaku 1 [1326], the shogunate dispatched Kudō Uemon no Jō Sukesada as Emishi Pacification Envoy; the following year, it further sent Utsunomiya Gorō Takasada and Oda Owari no Kami Takatomo on punitive expeditions. Yet when these men—Takasada and Takatomo—returned in the tenth month of Karyaku 3 [1328 CE] reporting peace negotiations, it became clear the shogunate had ultimately failed to subjugate them.