Pathway to Japanese Literature

I. Speech in Support of the No-Confidence Motion Against the Yoshida Cabinet

March 14, 1953 (Showa 28) – House of Representatives Plenary Session

On behalf of the Japan Socialist Party, I wish to express our support for the no-confidence motion against the Yoshida Cabinet—now before this chamber—jointly proposed by the Reform Party and both Socialist parties.

“The Yoshida Cabinet was convened in October last year following the first general election held after Japan’s independence and stands as the cabinet formed within this currently ongoing 15th Diet.”
“That this very cabinet has faced a no-confidence motion within the same special Diet session—a span exceeding five months—demonstrates how profoundly it has failed to answer independent Japan’s demands and how brittle its foundational footing remains.”
“I shall now outline our reasons for endorsing this motion and earnestly seek your concurrence.”

“First, while it is the duty of the current Fourth Yoshida Cabinet—the first cabinet formed after independence—to demonstrate ambitious governance plans for post-independence Japan, instill in the Japanese people the spirit of independence, and invigorate the nation with resolve to rise as a sovereign people, its entrenched malpractices are instead plunging post-independence politics into confusion and aimless wandering.”

“The people who achieved independence six years after war’s end have regained awareness as a sovereign nation lost under occupation and burn with fervor to strive for reconstruction as a democratic people.”

“Yet this cabinet has done nothing to answer such popular zeal—instead recklessly charging down a reactionary path of pro-American subservience abroad and domestic regression at home—fostering fascist-reactionary politics that drive progressive citizens to despair while creating openings for Communist extremism and paving roads to totalitarianism from both left and right—thereby plunging our homeland and democracy into crisis.”

“To revive our nation’s vitality and rouse its people’s spirit—we must begin by overthrowing this Yoshida Cabinet.”

“This constitutes our first reason for supporting this no-confidence motion.”

“Second, we demand their resignation to secure Japan’s complete independence and ensure peace.”
“Our beloved homeland Japan embarked anew as an independent nation in the international arena on April 28 of last year.”
“When we examine the reality of this independent Japan—under the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty and Administrative Agreement—our nation’s security remains guaranteed by U.S. military forces, while Japanese jurisdiction does not extend to U.S. military personnel, civilian employees, or their families.”
“Any nation whose security depends on another country’s military forces over prolonged periods must recognize that independence inevitably transforms into subjugation.”
“This exemption of Japanese jurisdiction over residents within our borders constitutes extraterritorial rights—a condition incompatible with full independence.”

Furthermore, regarding territorial issues: while territories acquired by Japan during its developmental expansion must inevitably be returned to their respective nations, we had lost sovereignty over Southern Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands; Habomai and Shikotan Islands—despite being part of Hokkaido’s administrative district—had fallen under Soviet occupation; while Amami Ōshima, the Okinawa Islands, Ogasawara Islands, Iwo Jima, and others remained under special military occupation—leaving over a million compatriots outside Japanese administration.
"This must indeed be called a national tragedy."
"Moreover, these compatriots earnestly desire to return to Japan as soon as possible."

“Therefore, despite being obligated to exert maximum effort toward fundamentally revising the Security Treaty and Administrative Agreement for Japan’s complete independence, Prime Minister Yoshida and Foreign Minister Okazaki have instead pursued what they call diplomacy—a diplomacy of pro-American subservience—discarding Japan’s national autonomy, showing no initiative ahead of the Administrative Agreement’s revision period, and making no effort whatsoever to resolve territorial issues—thereby increasingly exposing their comprador nature.”

“In particular, I believe we must resolutely condemn the diplomatic blunder of allowing United Nations forces to remain stationed in Japan without any formal agreement following Japan’s independence.”

Moreover, if we observed the international situation—amidst such developments as General Eisenhower’s assumption of the U.S. presidency, Mr. Dulles’ appointment as Secretary of State and the advancement of his rollback diplomacy, the death of Soviet Premier Stalin, and the inauguration of new Premier Malenkov—the world was witnessing a kind of tightening tension.
“For all humanity, the question of peace or war remains a critical challenge.
However, regarding the peace treaty with Japan, there remain many countries that have neither signed nor ratified it—and particularly with the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China, our neighbors separated only by a narrow strip of water, a state of war persists.
Amidst these circumstances, how Japan should contribute to world peace stands as a critical issue for Japanese diplomacy.
For this purpose, under the grand principle that Japan must absolutely refrain from intervening in war, it must develop an independent foreign policy with the basic aim of liberating Free Asia and becoming a bridge of peace connecting Free Asia and the West.
This matter absolutely cannot be resolved through a pro-American subservient foreign policy like that of the Yoshida Cabinet, which discards its autonomy.”

“This is the second reason why we support the no-confidence motion.”

Thirdly, under the pretext of rectifying occupation policy excesses, the Yoshida Cabinet pursues reactionary reversal-course politics—abolishing systems most essential to our nation’s democratization while seeking to revive prewar and wartime institutions.
“We resolutely oppose this reactionary reversal-course politics and demand their resignation.”
“If there were excesses in occupation policies, Prime Minister Yoshida himself must bear primary responsibility.”
“Moreover, what they call ‘excesses’ are largely progressive policies, while their so-called rectification constitutes reactionary regression.”
What we seek to rectify regarding occupation policy excesses are: the tendency to disregard the Diet; self-righteous notions within the executive branch; irrational and dictatorial tendencies embodied in so-called one-man rule; and the accumulated corruption of bureaucratic governance.

“However, through revisions to the Police Law, the Yoshida Cabinet dreams of reviving the prewar police state and seeks to transform the police—which should maintain public order for all citizens—into a tool for preserving a single political party’s power.”
“Furthermore, through the enactment of the Compulsory Education School Staff Law—under the noble name of full national treasury funding for compulsory education—they have stripped teachers, now designated as national public servants, of their freedom to engage in political activities; they aim to fragment and weaken teachers’ unions; and they contemplate instituting a feudal educational autocracy.”
“They neither investigate the root causes of labor disputes nor recognize that recent disputes stem from the Yoshida Cabinet’s policy failures. Believing mere suppression suffices, they impose restrictions on the strike rights of electric power and coal industry workers—an act that ignores workers’ fundamental human rights and stands as an egregious example of this reactionary reversal course.”
“Furthermore, in rural areas, agrarian land reform has been effectively halted; under the guise of reorganizing agricultural associations, they seek to revive bureaucratic control over the countryside. Moreover, through revisions to the Antimonopoly Act, they intend to resurrect the zaibatsu conglomerates.”
“If we do not act now to halt this reactionary reversal course, Japan will revert to zaibatsu dictatorship and a police state, and the Japanese people’s efforts toward democratic and peaceful nation-building will come to naught—this we must recognize.”
“This constitutes the third reason for our support of the no-confidence motion.”

“Fourthly, through the actions of the Yoshida Cabinet, Japan’s economic independence and stability of national livelihoods cannot be achieved.”
“From this perspective, we demand the resignation of the Yoshida Cabinet.”
“Behind national independence must lie economic self-reliance.”
“Japan—with narrow territory and scarce resources—must sustain eighty-four million people within these confines while paying reparations.”
“For this purpose, I assert that resolution cannot possibly come through the Liberal Party’s laissez-faire capitalist economy.”
“For this task, there exists no path other than implementing the planned economy we advocate.”
“At present, our nation’s economic reality has passed through an era of material shortages into one of surplus production—a situation where capitalists and industrialists conspire to restrict output.”
“Yet the government disregards the spirit of the Antimonopoly Act and capitulates to these demands for production limits.”
“The consequence manifests as inflated prices.”
“To break this impasse requires absolutely expanding domestic purchasing power.”
“To achieve this end, we must work both to increase workers’ incomes and vigorously promote trade expansion.”
“However, Yoshida Cabinet policies impose low wages on laborers suppress rice prices for farmers burden small businesses with heavy taxes pursue trade policies devoid of planning principles and depend entirely on special military procurements.”

“Observing the Yoshida Cabinet’s agricultural policies: they suppress rice through price controls while designating fertilizer for free sale—forcing Japanese farmers to buy expensive fertilizer yet purchasing their rice at low prices—then sell cheap fertilizer abroad and import expensive rice.”
“Just whose agricultural policy is this for? There are those who struggle to comprehend its purpose.”
“They made a token reduction in fertilizer prices in response to farmers’ fierce demands, yet this only intensified the farmers’ outrage.”
“It would not be an exaggeration to say cries for overthrowing the Yoshida Cabinet now saturate every corner of the countryside.”
“Without stabilizing the livelihoods of workers, farmers, and small-to-medium business owners, Japan’s economic reconstruction remains impossible.”
“Under a Yoshida Cabinet that brands workers as troublemakers, dismisses labor disputes as luxuries in impoverished Japan, declares small business owners expendable, and preaches ‘let the rich eat rice while the poor make do with barley’—under such leadership, we must affirm that no hope whatsoever exists.”
“This constitutes the fourth reason for our support of the no-confidence motion.”

“The fifth point is to demand the resignation of the Yoshida Cabinet by pointing out its trampling on the spirit of the Constitution and its disregard for the Diet.”
“The fact that the Yoshida Cabinet is converting the Police Reserve into the Security Force while enhancing its equipment constitutes sufficient grounds for suspecting a violation of Article 9 of the Constitution—a point that no one can deny.”
“Under the guise of a gradual self-defense buildup plan, they dare to ignore constitutional provisions and are conducting de facto rearmament.”
“When a nation’s Prime Minister arbitrarily interprets the Constitution and disregards its stipulations, such actions can only be described as those of an autocratic politician.”
“Furthermore, the Yoshida Cabinet does not stop here—through revisions to the Police Law, it attempts to seize local governments’ properties via a single legislative act and trample upon the constitutional spirit.”

“The Constitution is the source of state activities and their standard. Furthermore, Article 99 of the Constitution stipulates: ‘The Emperor or Regent, State Ministers, Diet members, judges, and other public officials shall bear the obligation to respect and uphold this Constitution.’ However, the Yoshida Cabinet dares to take actions that disregard, trample upon, and at times even ignore the Constitution. I believe they are truly the enemy of Japanese democracy. To call them traitors to democratic Japan is, I dare say, not an overstatement.”

Prime Minister Yoshida’s tendency to disregard the Diet—spanning his First, Second, Third, and Fourth Cabinets—is too numerous to mention if one were to count them all.
“Even in this very Diet session, he has made remarks dismissing the Diet’s authority only to retract them; he has scarcely attended plenary sessions or committee meetings; he lacks the enthusiasm to deliberate on national governance alongside the people’s representatives; and he maintains an attitude of one-man administrative dictatorship—all of which goes without saying by now.”

“When we contrast the conduct of former Minseitō President Hamaguchi—who, complying with parliamentary demands, pushed through illness to attend sessions until he ultimately fell to an assassin’s blade—with Yoshida Prime Minister’s undemocratic, feudalistic actions, we declare him unqualified to serve as Prime Minister of democratic Japan. Upholding our Constitution and condemning the Prime Minister’s disregard for the Diet constitute the fifth reason for supporting this no-confidence motion.”

“The sixth point is that we seek to impeach the Yoshida Cabinet from the perspectives of elevating public morality and rectifying official discipline, and thereby support the no-confidence motion.”
“Yoshida Prime Minister, whenever he opens his mouth, speaks of rectifying official discipline and proclaims the elevation of public morality—and in his policy speech this February, he particularly emphasized the elevation of public morality.”
“Moreover, under the Yoshida Cabinet, it is vehemently argued that official discipline has not deteriorated to such an extent; however, according to a report presented to the Audit Committee of the 15th Diet, it is said that 3.058 billion yen was wastefully spent by government agencies last fiscal year.”
“This figure was investigated by the Board of Audit with its limited personnel, so I believe the actual amount must be several times higher than this.”
“Given that the people’s hard-earned taxes are being used in this manner, I must declare: if this is not the collapse of discipline, then what is?”
Under the Yoshida Cabinet, all issues have become targets for vested interests.
“Whether it be the Tadami River issue, the Yokkaichi Fuel Depot issue, or the Coal Mine Housing issue—not a single one is disconnected from vested interests.”

“The other day, upon this very podium, we heard one of the Cabinet ministers—entrusted as a person of integrity—defend the rationalization and even justify backroom political dealings, yet witnessed not a shred of contrition; this we must declare utterly deplorable.”
“The Prime Minister himself, in the Budget Committee, has uttered abusive remarks unbefitting a nation’s leader—insulting Diet members and citizens alike—and now stands referred to the Disciplinary Committee.”
“That a nation’s Prime Minister faces referral to the Disciplinary Committee is unprecedented in our history and without parallel worldwide.”
“Any Prime Minister finding himself thus must naturally acknowledge his moral responsibility and resign.”
“Yet relying on their majority, they prolong Disciplinary Committee deliberations—giving the impression that canceling proceedings would suffice.”

“The most essential quality for politicians lies in voicing their views and articulating their positions.”
“I maintain that once a statement is made, politicians must adopt the attitude of taking full responsibility for it.”
“The fact that numerous ministers in the Yoshida Cabinet now believe matters can be resolved by mere retractions demonstrates a profound ignorance of political ethics—this I must declare unequivocally.”
“Furthermore, when I witness the reality that an individual under grave suspicion of election violations has become our Foreign Minister, and that our Prime Minister stands before a disciplinary committee—when I contemplate whether this represents post-independence Japan’s true visage and how foreign nations must collectively perceive us—as one citizen, I feel drenched by three buckets of icy water.”

“The elevation of public morality is not theory.”
“It is not logic.”
“This is practice.”
“Rather than a million repetitions of moral reasoning, we must declare that the Prime Minister himself feeling moral responsibility and resigning constitutes the supreme method for elevating public morality.”
“This forms the sixth reason for our demand for resignation and support of the no-confidence motion.”

“Seventh, we must point out that through the Liberal Party’s internal strife, it has already lost its qualification as a majority party and its ability to manage political affairs.”
“From this fact alone, we demand the resignation of the Yoshida Cabinet.”
“Prime Minister Yoshida must recognize that the current political instability stems entirely from internal contradictions within his Liberal Party.”
“The Liberal Party—which exposed its own internal divisions during cabinet formation—has further revealed its disunity through the no-confidence motion against Minister of International Trade and Industry Ikeda, even referring its own president to a disciplinary committee while displaying internal chaos ahead of submitting a no-confidence motion. We must declare it has ceased functioning as a political party.”
“This means we must affirm that the Liberal Party’s internal strife causes political instability, and that full responsibility lies with Prime Minister Yoshida’s failed leadership as its president.”
“Among Liberal Party executives themselves, some have declared that without the Mindo and Hirokawa factions, they must govern as a minority cabinet.”
“We must state plainly: today’s Liberal Party has two leaders pursuing conflicting policies.”
“It has forfeited its status as a majority party and ended its mandate to govern.”
“They can no longer claim majority rights nor fulfill governing responsibilities.”
“Since the Liberal Party has lost its majority qualification, we must insist the Cabinet resign immediately.”

Finally, what I wish to state is this: in the eight years since the war’s end, cabinets have changed eight times, and among these, Mr. Yoshida Shigeru has formed cabinets four times.
That period has lasted five years and six months.
Moreover, it is said that he has appointed over sixty ministers—cumulatively totaling over 130—and with Prime Minister Yoshida’s one-man dominance being thoroughly entrenched, public sentiment has already turned away from the Yoshida Cabinet.
“Now is precisely the time for a renewal of public sentiment.”
“The resignation of the Yoshida Cabinet is what the people demand.”
“Even one day earlier resignation of the Yoshida Cabinet would bring that much greater benefit to the national interest.”
“Prime Minister Yoshida should not cling to power and must step down when the time comes.”
“Now is precisely that time.”
“Politicians must not mistake this moment.”
“Yet the Yoshida Cabinet and its inner circle intimidate opposition parties by threatening dissolution.”
“We do not fear dissolution at all.”
“However, having dissolved the Diet earlier due to Liberal Party infighting—and now attempting to dissolve this Special Diet session that confirmed his premiership less than half a year later under identical pretexts—they pervert dissolution authority into a tool for suppressing internal dissent. We assert this constitutes what Mr. Kitamura rightly calls a coup d’état.”
“Earlier during policy questioning, Mr. Miyake Shoichi of our party declared unequivocally: ‘What requires dissolution is not the Diet but the Liberal Party itself.’ This truth remains unshaken.”
“We therefore conclude that now demands both mass resignation of the Yoshida Cabinet and fundamental Liberal Party reform.”
Here and now, we strongly demand the resignation of the Yoshida Cabinet.

With this, I conclude my speech in support of the no-confidence motion against the Yoshida Cabinet, and I earnestly request the agreement of all esteemed members.

II. Address at the Political Consultative Conference Hall

March 12, 1959 (Showa 34): As Head of the Japan Socialist Party’s Second Delegation to China

“Friends of China, I am Asanuma Inejirō, Chairman of the Japan Socialist Party Delegation to China, who has just been introduced.”
“We came here in April two years ago, and this marks our second visit.”
“When I came two years ago, I gave a lecture at the invitation of the People’s Diplomacy Association; this time, having been granted another opportunity to speak, I have taken to this podium as requested.”
“Therefore, I would like to frankly convey to you all how the Japan Socialist Party views the complete independence and peace of our motherland Japan, and furthermore, the peace of Asia.”
(Applause)

I

“If we look at today’s world situation, the global circumstances since April 1957—when our delegation visited China two years ago—have undergone changes.”
“Chairman Mao Zedong has aptly expressed this with the phrase ‘The East Wind prevails over the West Wind,’ but now this phrase has become not only a Chinese expression but a global one.”
“In today’s world, the growing forces seeking peace and democracy—particularly the rising tide of anti-colonial and anti-imperialist movements across Asia and Africa—demonstrate an irreversible trend of decisive power.”
(Applause) “The colonial systems of imperialist nations are already crumbling.”
“However, even in the Far East, there remain factors of international tension that demand vigilance.”
“As has become clear from the issues surrounding Kinmen and Matsu Islands, U.S. military bases exist in Taiwan—which is part of China—as well as in our Japan’s mainland and Okinawa.”
“Moreover, these bases are gradually being reinforced with nuclear weapons of all sizes.”
“The peoples of Japan and China share a crucial common task in this regard: to achieve nuclear disarmament in Asia and fight for the abolition of foreign military bases.”
“Taiwan is part of China, and Okinawa is part of Japan.”
“Nevertheless, their separation from their respective mainlands stems from American imperialism.”
“I believe we must regard American imperialism as our common enemy and fight against it.”
(Applause)

The foreign policy of the Kishi Cabinet not only subordinates itself to this imperialism but also approaches Asia through this borrowed power with an unrepentant foreign policy that repeats fatal errors. This constitutes a dangerous course that revised and strengthened the Japan-US Security Treaty—bearing the character of a military alliance—particularly at the end of last year, while further aiming to advance toward reinforcing the NEATO system in the future. This movement also seeks to obstruct friendship with China and the normalization of diplomatic relations. Though these movements may be shaken by the struggles of Japanese citizens opposing the Police Duties Execution Act and by peace-demanding popular forces, they nonetheless form the fundamental root of the unfortunate causes plaguing Japan-China relations today. The aforementioned revision of the Japan-US Security Treaty and the unfortunate state of Japan-China relations are both interrelated as fundamental foreign policy pillars of the Kishi Cabinet—the twin wheels of a cart embodying its subservience to the United States. This was clearly endorsed by Kishi Nobusuke himself through his inflammatory statements to the NBC Brown reporter at last year’s end. Unless these policies undergo fundamental transformation toward establishing a peaceful system in Asia, there will be no bright future for the Japanese people—and herein lies yet another urgent and common task for both our nations.

“If I were to address Japan-China relations regarding how to resolve such issues, I would say that since May of last year, Japan-China relations have fallen into an extremely difficult situation due to the policies of the Kishi Cabinet. Until then, despite the absence of restored diplomatic relations, China and Japan had concluded over several dozen friendship and exchange agreements—beginning with the joint statement between myself and Mr. Zhang Xiruo—and the Japanese people too, while aiming for diplomatic restoration, had diligently accumulated efforts toward exchange and friendship. However, they ultimately fell into a state of suspension. Regarding this matter, the Japanese people feel profound grief and harbor sharp anger toward the Kishi Cabinet.” (Applause) “It was at this juncture that Mr. Sata Tadataka, a member of the House of Councillors from our party, visited your country and received the Three Principles and Three Measures—namely: (1) immediately cease and never repeat words and actions hostile to China; (2) abandon conspiracies to create two Chinas; (3) do not obstruct the restoration of normal relations between China and Japan—and accurately conveyed these to the general populace.”

Based on this, our Japan Socialist Party decided on a new basic policy for opening Japan-China relations in September 1958. Namely, the items are as follows: demanding a policy shift from the Kishi Cabinet—(1) Cease all actions recognizing the existence of two Chinas and achieve diplomatic restoration with the People’s Republic of China; (2) Recognize the Taiwan issue as China’s internal affair and resolve related international tensions peacefully among concerned nations; (3) Refrain from joining any China-targeting military frameworks like a NATO-style organization; (4) Prohibit introducing nuclear weapons into Japan; (5) Support PRC representation in the UN through its agencies; (6) Apologize for the Nagasaki flag incident and implement thorough measures to safeguard PRC flag dignity; (7) Expand human, cultural, technical, and economic exchanges based on friendship and peace while actively supporting normalization efforts. In particular, ensure full implementation of the Fourth Trade Agreement. Furthermore, regarding Taiwan Strait issues, we have urged the Japanese government to adopt prudent policies, as military support for the Chiang Kai-shek group—especially U.S. troop stationing in Taiwan—intensifies Asian tensions. (Applause)

Furthermore, based on the aforementioned basic policy, the Japan Socialist Party has decided to develop and promote a national movement for the restoration and normalization of Japan-China diplomatic relations.
“The key points are as follows: First—to achieve a complete transformation of the Kishi government’s policies—we will broadly mobilize all citizens’ strength and wage an intensive movement.”
“Second—grounded in recognizing that breaking through current deadlocks proves extremely difficult under this Kishi government—we will establish frameworks enabling prolonged tenacious campaigns.”
“Third—in advancing this movement—we shall proceed through close coordination with movements opposing atomic/hydrogen bombs demanding Okinawa’s return resisting military bases and upholding constitutional principles.”
“Fourth—our party will rally labor unions farmers’ associations youth/women’s groups economic/cultural/democratic organizations—even reaching conscientious elements within business circles conservative parties—to participate; particularly strengthening our collaborative National Council for Japan-China Diplomatic Relations Restoration through which we’ll vigorously propel initiatives.”

“Our party, in seeking such national movements and the struggle for policy transformation against Japan’s Kishi government, has thus acted to demand active cooperation from the Chinese side toward improving Japan-China relations in accordance with the spirit of the joint communiqué between Asanuma and Mr. Zhang Xiruo.”
“Furthermore, at last April’s Central Committee of the Japan Socialist Party, we decided to concentrate our efforts this year on fighting through the national movement for Japan-China diplomatic normalization and the national movement to overthrow the Japan-US Security Treaty system—while building upon our existing movements opposing military bases, defending the Peace Constitution, banning atomic and hydrogen bombs, demanding Okinawa’s return, and restoring Japan-China relations.”
“Furthermore, as part of this movement, we have decided to dispatch a Japan Socialist Party delegation to China at an opportune time.”
“This is because—no matter how dire the circumstances—the friendship and exchange between the peoples of China and Japan must be continuously striven for, and it is precisely through this effort that we expect significant progress in the movement for restoring diplomatic relations between our peoples opposing the Kishi Cabinet’s policies.”
(Applause)

II

“In accordance with this decision, our delegation once again visited China. At the same time, the purpose of this visit was to extensively observe China as it truly is and accurately convey that image to Japan’s working masses and citizens.”

“When we departed Japan, democratic organizations and peace groups held a national convention for restoring Japan-China diplomatic relations and adopted the following resolution.”

“They encouraged our delegation.”

“For reference, I will now read out the resolution text.”

Resolution.
The government has now made clear its policy to revise the Security Treaty.
This revision will not only solidify the existing Security Treaty system but also reaffirm Japan’s voluntary participation in the U.S. military bloc, further leading to open accession to a joint defense framework with the United States. By compelling the enhancement of Japan’s military capabilities and the fulfillment of military obligations to the United States, overseas deployment of troops will become unavoidable, and Article 9 of the Constitution will be rendered entirely null and void.
In particular, this revision will permit the introduction of U.S. nuclear weapons, and it is clear that Japan will embark on a path toward nuclear armament. As a result, Sino-Japanese relations will fall into a decisive crisis, and it is also evident that not only will there be no breakthrough in current Japan-China relations, but the restoration of diplomatic relations will become utterly unattainable.
We, who desire Japan’s peace and prosperity and wish to maintain equal friendly relations with all nations, must resolutely fight against this dangerous security treaty system; the movements toward enacting the Secret Protection Law and Espionage Prevention Law intended to enforce it; the suppression of the people’s fundamental human rights and freedoms manifested in the malicious revision of the Police Duties Execution Act; and the destruction of national livelihood accompanying military force enhancement.
We have the experience and achievements of having crushed the intent behind last year’s malicious revision of the Police Duties Execution Act.
This energy continues to burn fiercely within each and every citizen, and the conviction that victory lies in struggle grows ever stronger.
We, gathered at this assembly, renew our resolve and unify all classes along with their demands and actions to resolutely block the revision of the Security Treaty, proactively abolish the Security Treaty, resolutely sever America’s chains, establish a peace policy, and achieve the restoration of Japan-China diplomatic relations.
We hereby resolve as above.

"This is the content."
"(Applause) What is embodied in this resolution is the fervent aspiration of the Japanese people, who cherish peace and democracy and yearn to restore diplomatic relations between China and Japan at the earliest possible moment."
(Applause)

“It has been approximately one week since we came to China. We, beginning with the People’s Institute of Foreign Affairs, have felt not only your firm principled attitude but also your great friendship. In particular, having witnessed the explosive increase in crop production at the recent agricultural exposition and observed the leaping development in factory construction, we were especially deeply impressed by the people’s communes. We hope that many Japanese citizens—especially farmers—will come to China in the future and witness with their own eyes this reality where evidence speaks louder than words.”
(Applause)

III

"The most crucial issue between our peoples is our firm conviction that we must first vigorously advance Japan's national movement for diplomatic normalization with China under the Three Principles' correct policy and overthrow the Kishi government's reactionary policies."

"Yet this alone will not discharge the Japanese people's responsibility toward Asia."

"If I may state how threats loom over all Asia—we believe peace cannot come unless foreign military bases are removed from Japan and Okinawa."

"This we consider our solemn duty."

"Therefore, our Socialist Party wages struggle with the Security Treaty system's destruction as its central task."

"Should we abolish this Security Treaty and secure Japan's peaceful guarantees—should Japan become fully independent—we expect the military clauses in the Sino-Soviet Treaty anticipating Japanese militarism will naturally become obsolete."

"Moreover, Japan's Socialist Party has always fought aspiring to establish a comprehensive Asian peace-security framework through China, the Soviet Union, Japan, and America—bringing eternal peace to Japan and Asia."

"(Applause) When China and the Soviet Union reaffirmed our party's consistent policy of autonomous independence and active neutrality last December, we rejoiced wholeheartedly for peace diplomacy's advancement."

“For the peace of Asia and Japan as outlined here, diplomatic relations between China and Japan must first be restored.”
“China is a single entity; Taiwan is an integral part of China.”
“In China, each of the 680 million citizens has built up the People’s Republic of China.”
“Japan must restore diplomatic relations with this People’s Republic of China.”
“I firmly believe it is only natural for the People’s Republic of China to join the United Nations.”
“At the same time, we hold that the Japan-Taiwan Treaty existing between Japan and the Taiwan authorities must inevitably be annulled.”
(Applause) “Japan has restored peace and exchanged ambassadors with nations it caused hardship to during the war.”
“Yet diplomatic relations remain unrestored with China—the nation that bore the greatest burden from the Manchurian Incident through the Second World War’s end.”
“This stems from errors in conservative party policies.”
“I regard this situation as profoundly regrettable.”

“We of the Socialist Party earnestly hope for the earliest possible restoration of diplomatic relations with China.”
“Fundamentally, if one considers where Japan’s diplomatic failures lie, they have always resided in allying with distant powers while turning away from neighbors.”
“During the Meiji era, Japan formed the Anglo-Japanese Alliance with distant Britain to serve as Asia’s sentinel; in the Second World War, it again turned its back on China and Southeast Asian nations by forging a military alliance with distant Germany and Italy—attempting military invasion and imperialist expansion in what must be deemed a colossal failure.”
“Now Japan once more allies with the United States, seeking to act as an intermediary for American imperialist expansion into Southeast Asia.”
“This is what we sternly warn the government against and demand it rectify.”
“Our Socialist Party opposes such a foreign policy.”
“In other words, Japan must abandon its policy of befriending distant nations to assail nearby ones and instead adopt one of good-neighborly friendship.”
“That is to say—while naturally maintaining friendly relations with all countries—Japan must pursue an autonomous, non-aligned diplomacy of neighborly amity: normalizing relations with China, strengthening partnerships with Asian and African nations, and advancing foreign policies for world peace.”
(Applause)

“Next, economically speaking, Japan and China—separated only by a narrow strip of water—must be firmly bound together, I believe. The current Japanese economy stands upon one-sided trade with the United States and American special procurements. Furthermore, the import of surplus agricultural products under the MSA Agreement compels us to recognize this as another manifestation of dependence on America’s war economy. We feel profound unease regarding this reality. Where there is no economic independence, there can be no national independence. For Japan to survive as a fully autonomous nation, it must break free from reliance on the United States. I firmly believe today’s unfortunate conditions stem from Japan’s failure to align with Asia as it inherently should—relying instead on U.S. procurements—and that this has formed the economic foundation for the Kishi Cabinet’s reactionary policies. Therefore, we demand the Kishi Cabinet transfer governance to the Socialist Party. Upon achieving a fundamental policy shift and restoring China-Japan relations, we anticipate secure trade exchanges linked to China’s advancing Second Five-Year Plan and significant progress in economic agreements with Asian nations.”

(Applause) “Thus, Japan will establish an economic foundation for independent neutrality and devote even its heavy industrial technology, equipment, and aircraft factories to building a peaceful Asia.”

"We have come to China bearing these wishes for peace and friendship. When we return home after sharing this steadfast fellowship that unites you and Asia as one, we will submit a no-confidence motion against the Kishi Cabinet in the Diet, conduct a nationwide speaking tour about our China visit, and focus our efforts on the two coming electoral battles—the local elections starting in April and the House of Councillors election—to dissolve the Diet and overthrow the Kishi Cabinet."
(Applause) "This struggle represents a decisive turning point—either we advance or they regain their footing."
"Yet in Japan today, as the forces for peace and reform grow stronger, the Kishi Cabinet has been redoubling its desperate efforts against us by aligning with the capitalist class."
"We are resolved to prevail in this struggle."
"To achieve fundamental transformation in both politics and policy, we must prevail at all costs."
"Together with all our friends in China and across Asia, we pledge to fight relentlessly for peace in Asia and throughout the world."
(Applause)

IV

“Finally, what I wish to convey is this: When I visited China two years ago and had the honor of meeting Chairman Mao Zedong, he spoke these words to me.”
“China has now resolved its domestic contradictions—those of capitalism and class struggle; resolved the contradictions of imperialism and war; resolved the contradictions of feudalism and human conflict—and is advancing single-mindedly toward socialism.”
“He stated that in China today, 680 million people stand united in their struggle against nature.”
“I returned home profoundly moved by these words.”
“Having come to China again now and witnessed the Chinese people striving for victory in this struggle against nature, I feel genuine admiration.”
“(Applause) In afforestation projects, flood control efforts, agricultural development, and industrial advancement—I see triumphant manifestations of the Chinese people’s battle with nature.”
“The great iron bridge spanning the Yangtze River; Sanmenxia on the Yellow River; the government dam under construction on the Yongding River; what might be called the Green Great Wall extending along the ancient fortifications; factories emerging in deserts; railway networks being built—to enumerate all these leaps forward would be an endless task.”
“The victorious form of a people perpetually engaged in this struggle against nature reveals itself in every sphere.”
(Applause)

"I believe humanity’s true form is not one where people fight against people. It is not a state where class fights class. Nor is it a condition where nations shed blood in conflict. Humanity’s true essence lies in swiftly resolving these issues and mobilizing all strength to struggle against nature itself. This struggle cannot be achieved without implementing socialism. China has now resolved all contradictions to concentrate its fight against nature. Here we see socialism advancing as a national form. We earnestly pray for victory in this struggle."

(Applause) "We of the Socialist Party too shall fight capitalism and imperialism within Japan, overcome their contradictions, resolve domestic conflicts, then resolve all contradictions. We resolve to mobilize every resource into nature’s conquest and fight relentlessly for humankind’s happiness."
(Applause)

This concludes my lecture.
Thank you for your kind attention.
(Applause)

Advancing China's socialism—long may it prosper! (Applause)
China-Japan diplomatic restoration—long may it prosper! (Applause)

Peace in Asia and the world—long may it prosper! (Applause)

III. Final Speech

October 12, 1960 (Shōwa 35) – Hibiya Public Hall: Three-Party Leaders' Joint Speech Meeting

“Ladies and gentlemen, the provisional Diet session has finally been scheduled to convene on the 17th. I believe that this upcoming Diet session will serve as a dissolution Diet to implement national measures regarding the Security Treaty revision. In light of this dissolution and general election, NHK, the Election Administration Committee, and furthermore the Fair Election League have taken the initiative to gather representatives from the Liberal Democratic Party, Socialist Party, and Democratic Socialist Party—a truly commendable effort for which I express my gratitude by providing this opportunity to declare our stances on the general election. I shall now present the Socialist Party’s views.”

“Ladies and gentlemen, I believe the essential purpose of politics lies in straightening what is warped within our nation and society, correcting what is unjust, and restoring unnatural conditions to their natural state.
Yet in our country today, there exist countless distortions, injustices, and abnormalities.
Therefore, I shall present the most critical issues among these and, while criticizing government policies, make clear the Socialist Party’s position.”

"The first issue is that even as the Ikeda Cabinet advocates income-doubling, prices are steadily rising at its very feet. 'Even if wages were to double,' I declare, 'should prices triple instead, anyone could see that living standards would actually decline.' This cabinet grounds its economic policy in projecting a 9% growth rate for Japan’s economy to achieve this income-doubling—a framework riddled with inherent flaws. Consider this: postwar industrial and mining production tripled through workers’ grueling labor, yet what became of public welfare? Has social unrest abated? What of wealth disparity or this 'dual economic structure'? These remain unresolved. Even Liberal Democrat Mr. Kōno Ichirō acknowledges severe instability festering beneath superficial prosperity. Let me be clear—even if this cabinet doubled Japan’s economy in a decade, social fractures and livelihood anxieties would persist unabated. Take next year’s trade liberalization drive, set to reach 70% completion—already Hokkaido’s soybean prices crash while subcontractors choke on slashed rates. MITI bureaucrats themselves warn of 1.37 million mining and industrial jobs vanishing—hardly an income surge! Citizens now dread prices doubling before wages do. And Prime Minister Ikeda? He coldly demands 'rationalizing' rural areas by expelling sixty percent of small farmers—sheer abandonment! Should six million more unemployed flood from villages—what then? They say speaking of next year makes devils laugh—but here, not even devils could muster a grin."

When determining prices or addressing matters of finance and fiscal investment loans, it is imperative that representatives of the working masses participate in establishing economic policies under a planned economy—prioritizing the improvement, collectivization, and modernization of agricultural and small-to-medium enterprise management.

The government itself has announced that this fiscal year’s “natural revenue increase” amounts to 210 billion yen, with next year’s projected at 250 billion yen.

This so-called natural revenue increase is, plainly stated, overtaxation.

The hard-earned money gained through the sweat and labor of the working masses is being excessively drained away as taxes.

“Prime Minister Ikeda boasts that he could draft a tax reduction plan overnight,” treating this overcollection of the people’s blood-taxed income as his personal achievement—but natural revenue increases are not some governmental triumph; they are the fruits of the working masses’ labor.”

(Applause) “Thus, returning these funds to the people is only natural.”

Furthermore, it is said that four years hence, rearmament expansion plans will double to reach 300 billion yen.

Our Socialist Party asserts that this must be halted, and that such finances should be used for the peaceful livelihood of the people—used for proper social security and tax reduction.
(Applause)

Prime Minister Ikeda states that increased investment leads to increased production; increased production leads to increased income; increased income leads to increased savings; and increased savings lead again to increased investment. But if, as Prime Minister Ikeda claims, the capitalist economy were to operate on such circular reasoning, then recessions, depressions, layoffs, and wage cuts would cease to exist.
"However—however, what do we see?"
"In the fifteen years since the war, three recessions have occurred during this period."
"Why does such a situation arise? It is because production has increased while the people’s incomes have not risen proportionally—and this has resulted in goods remaining unsold."
Therefore, I believe that in order to truly expand the economy, policies such as social security and tax reduction aimed at increasing the income of the people must be actively adopted.

“Now recently, while the government’s social security and tax reduction measures have been shrinking compared to their initial bold proclamations, public investments that solely enrich big capitalists have been expanding relentlessly. If such policies persist indefinitely, who could possibly guarantee that a recession won’t come crashing down? Prime Minister Ikeda claims financial resources must be ‘created,’ but these resources are nothing more than natural increases in tax revenue. The Japan Socialist Party insists we must consider not merely these natural revenue increases as funding sources for social security and tax relief—we must pursue genuine financial solutions.”

“One of these measures grants special tax treatment exclusively to large corporations; we assert that the Special Measures Act should be revised to collect greater taxes from these major enterprises.”
(Applause)

“Here I wish to briefly address the National Pension Law scheduled for implementation next April 1st.”
“The government’s current plan requires those aged twenty and above to contribute 100 yen monthly, increasing to 150 yen at thirty-five until age fifty-nine—then providing 3,500 yen monthly from sixty-five onward.”
Starting at twenty with 100 yen and 150 yen from thirty-five until fifty-nine at 5.5% compound interest yields over 260,000 yen accumulated.
“Receiving 3,500 yen monthly from sixty-five essentially means retrieving one’s own savings—this resembles not social security but rather a social insurance scheme.”
“Moreover, it contains fundamental flaws such as benefit termination upon death.”
“As the Socialist Party, we advocate adjusting premiums according to income levels, having the state bear administrative costs, and directing reserve funds toward public welfare for working citizens.”
“Therefore, we emphatically demand postponing implementation by one to two years to establish a substantive system.”

“The second issue is that of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty.
“The dissolution of the Diet and general election are finally upon us. Regarding the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, it has been decided that we sovereign people will express our will through this process.
“In other words, I believe this election carries truly grave significance.
“The U.S. military has been stationed in Japan for fifteen years up to this year—including during the occupation period—yet through treaty revisions, they now seek to remain stationed for another ten years.
“For foreign military forces to maintain such prolonged stationing over twenty-five years constitutes an unnatural event unprecedented in Japan’s history since its founding.
“India’s Nehru declared: ‘We do not welcome foreign military bases.
“‘The presence of foreign bases within a nation’s borders signifies foreign powers encroaching upon its very heart—perpetually exuding the stench of war.’
“He stated this, and we too feel precisely struck by these words.”
(Applause)

“The Japan-U.S. Security Treaty was signed in 1951, on the same day as the Treaty of Peace with Japan.”
“Through this arrangement, Japan provided military bases to the United States, and the United States stationed its troops in Japan.”
“Japan achieved a great transformation after the war ended.”
“As stated in the Constitution’s preamble, through governmental action, Japan accomplished this grand transformation to prevent war from ever occurring again.”
“The first principle is that sovereignty resides with the people.”
“The second principle guarantees through the Constitution the freedoms of speech, assembly, and association, along with workers’ rights to organize, bargain collectively, and strike.”
“The third principle established through Article 9 of the Constitution declares: ‘the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes.’ To this end, Japan shall not maintain any land, sea, or air forces, nor exercise any right of belligerency.”
“By this decision, Japan was supposed to become incapable of rearmament and prohibited from providing military bases to other nations or forming military alliances.”
“Yet the conclusion of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty left a grave problem unresolved.”
“The military bases Japan provided to the United States function like American enclaves.”
“Within those bases, Japanese jurisdiction holds no authority—no matter what crimes are committed there, Japanese jurisdiction does not apply.”
(Applause)

Moreover, if someone commits a crime in Japan’s mainland and flees into a base, there is nothing that can be done.
"I believe we must indeed call this a place of extraterritorial rights."
(Applause)

"This form is not that of a fully independent Japan."
"This, at the time of its initial conclusion, consisted of 730 locations—installations as large as Shikoku."
Even now, there are 260 locations—90 of which utilize water surfaces.
"This is not the form of Japan’s complete independence, I believe."
(Applause)

Moreover, I believe it is by no means an exaggeration to say that in this lies the form of Japan’s military subordination to America.
(Applause)

Moreover, this is not all.
“To expand these bases, Japanese shed each other’s blood! Take Tachikawa Airfield—now a U.S. base! To expand this base, they try to seize land from Sunagawa farmers! When the farmers resist, Procurement Agency officials summon police to suppress them!”
“Behind these farmers stand citizens demanding Japan’s full independence—they offer their support!”
“Through this mutual bloodshed—this independence stained by the contradiction that Japanese must spill同胞の血 to expand American enclaves—to call it thus is no exaggeration whatsoever!”
(Applause)

Therefore, for Japan to become a fully independent nation, we must have the U.S. military withdraw, have the U.S. bases returned, and implement a proactive neutral policy—this must be the foundation of Japan’s foreign policy, I believe.
However, through the actions of the Kishi Cabinet, the treaty was revised, and this spring’s regular Diet session saw the exchange of ratification documents conducted through the Liberal Democratic Party’s unilateral deliberations and one-party dictatorship.
As a result, Japan and the United States have concluded a Mutual Defense Treaty.
Thus, the danger of war has increased.

“Furthermore, Japan has come to bear the obligation of expanding and strengthening its defense capabilities for the United States—resulting in tax increases that burden livelihoods and restrictions being imposed on our freedoms of speech, assembly, and association.”
(Applause)

“What deeply concerns us is whether this defense expansion could lead to constitutional revision, rearmament, or even a conscription system.”
“Moreover, since Japan and the United States have agreed to consult on defense matters, I fear a single misstep might invite American interference in our domestic affairs.”
“At this critical juncture, we must sever our military ties with the United States.”
“Simultaneously, we should demand that China and the Soviet Union terminate their military relations with Japan.”
“Thus I assert: Japanese diplomacy must be founded upon these four nations—Japan, America, the Soviet Union, and China—transcending both blocs to establish a new security framework.”
(Applause)

“Comrades, another fundamental principle is this: we must respect each other’s independence, respect each other’s territory, refrain from interfering in domestic affairs, commit no acts of aggression, stand on a position of reciprocity and equality—and thus I believe it is only natural that we establish a new security framework. In a certain sense, through this election, we intend to appeal to the citizens about the dangers of this Security Treaty, and though parliament remains in such a state, we wish to assert that it is the duty of Japan’s sovereign citizens to express through their votes a principled stance against the Security Treaty.”

"The third issue lies in Japan-China relations."
"For fifty years prior to World War II's conclusion, Japan waged approximately five wars."
"These were conducted principally in China and Korea."
"The damage Japan inflicted on China since the Manchurian Incident is said to total ten million lives lost and fifty billion dollars in material losses."
"Yet despite having caused such devastation, our formal relationship with China remains in a state of war."
"This situation demands rectification."
"Though we currently maintain the Japan-China Peace Treaty with Taiwan, to claim this normalizes relations with China proper—a nation approaching one hundred million citizens—constitutes an extreme absurdity."
"China is one—Taiwan being an inseparable part of China—and this we must resolutely affirm."
(Applause)

"Therefore, I believe normalizing diplomatic relations with China at the earliest possible moment constitutes a crucial issue for Japan's foreign policy. Yet the Ikeda Cabinet persists in clinging to its treaty with the Taiwan government, while in the United Nations regarding China's representation issue, it conducts opposition votes in lockstep with America. We must indeed declare this utterly deplorable. When observing current conditions within the UN, I maintain we must not overlook how neutralist tendencies—mirroring our own position—are intensifying."
(Applause)

“If Japan persists in its diplomacy of subservience to America while disregarding neutralism in Asia and Africa, I believe it is no exaggeration to declare plainly that it will become an orphan of Asia.”
(Applause)

“Comrades! Recently on the Chinese side, they have declared their willingness to conclude an intergovernmental trade agreement.”
“When Prime Minister Ikeda claims that trading with the Communist bloc will lead to our deception—to hear such words from a nation’s prime minister—what are we to make of this?”
“Every time Prime Minister Ikeda opens his mouth, he proclaims his desire for Japan to become a nation respected by the Communist bloc.”
“This approach will earn anything but respect.”
“I fear it invites nothing but contempt—a development I must describe as profoundly regrettable.”
“Within the Liberal Democratic Party itself exist individuals like Mr. Ishibashi Tanzan and Mr. Matsumura Kenzō—people of common sense who possess sound foresight.”
(Applause)

Under the Hatoyama Cabinet, when Japan-Soviet diplomatic relations were being normalized, there was much opposition within the conservative camp.
"The Socialist Party actively supported this."
"We wish to declare that should there be individuals within the conservative camp who act with the hope of normalizing relations with China, we would not hesitate to support such persons across party lines."
(Applause)

"The fourth issue concerns the state of parliamentary politics."
"In recent years, Diet deliberations have at times plunged into chaos, with instances where police officers were brought into the chamber to forcibly pass bills through."
"We must fundamentally examine why such violent circumstances—such abnormal situations—have arisen."
"Even when observing Diet proceedings, our Socialist Party has approved approximately eighty percent of bills submitted by the government and Liberal Democratic Party."
"The bills our party opposes—such as the Police Duties Execution Law and new Security Treaty—are those gravely impacting our nation's peace and democracy, and it is against these majority measures that we stand opposed."
"The government's legislative attempts predominantly overstep constitutional bounds."
"I state without exaggeration—had the Japan Socialist Party not earnestly opposed these actions, our nation's rearmament would have advanced further, inevitably leading to constitutional revision, expanded militarization, and the trampling of our collective livelihoods and rights."

“Comrades, the grave flaw in parliamentary politics lies here: they neither seek public trust during elections regarding critical matters like the Police Duties Execution Law and new Security Treaty nor make any claims about them then—yet once securing a majority through elections and taking power, they shamelessly force through policies never pledged during campaigns using their numerical might. This, I declare, constitutes an immense problem.”
(Applause.
(The hall erupts into chaos)

Moderator: The venue has become far too chaotic—I fear our speaker’s words cannot reach those who wish to hear them.
To begin with, members of the press are present for coverage in this hall’s front rows; however, such commotion leaves no space for proper reporting. At this juncture, I ask that we all listen quietly to the address so we may proceed afterward.
(Applause) Now then—we have kept you waiting—please—

(Chairman Asanuma resumes) "During elections, they discard all policies unpopular with the public, and once they secure a majority through the election—"

(At this moment, an assailant rushes forward and stabs Chairman Asanuma.)
(The hall erupts into chaos.)

〈The following is the draft of the final part of this speech, which Chairman Asanuma was meant to continue but never delivered.〉

――If they insist on forcing through even the most reckless policies by letting the Diet majority have its way, then I cannot comprehend what purpose elections serve or why the Diet even exists.
In this manner, the majority party will end up digging parliamentary politics' grave with its own hands.

Take the new Security Treaty as an example—following Japan-U.S. negotiations—they should have dissolved the House of Representatives before signing and consulted the sovereign citizens.
Yet they failed to do so.
On May 19th and 20th, police officers were brought into the Diet chamber, where the Liberal Democratic Party unilaterally deliberated and forcibly passed the Security Treaty revision bill.
In response, the public rose up and demanded that a general election be held to await the sovereign people's judgment; for allowing that forcible passage to stand would mean ignoring parliamentarism—the constitutional cornerstone—resulting in petitions signed by twenty million citizens calling for dissolution to heed the popular will.
Nevertheless, through unilateral deliberation in the House of Councillors, the treaty automatically came into effect, leading to the exchange of ratification documents.
Thus it would be no exaggeration to declare that Japanese parliamentary politics perished on May 19th and 20th.
Such unilateral deliberation and one-party dictatorship must be reformed.
Even if they proceed with dissolution now after creating this fait accompli, I believe it comes too late.
The Japan Socialist Party asserts that matters gravely affecting Japan's independence, peace, and democracy—those facing substantial public opposition—must be put to a general election for popular approval or rejection, as commonly practiced abroad; we pledge that upon assuming power, we shall unfailingly implement this principle.
Parliamentary politics requires the Diet as its arena, where government and opposition parties engage in heated debate while pursuing progress.
For this purpose, constitutional provisions—the Diet Law, House of Representatives regulations, and established conventions—must be respected.
The Japan Socialist Party shall act upon this foundation.

What he wished to state lastly was that Japanese politics had become a politics of money—it was money-dominated politics.
This injustice demanded correction.
The political system operated through a mechanism where vast sums were expended on elections; upon winning office, politicians sought kickbacks to recoup costs—at times invoking official authority—with those accumulating most funds ascending to party presidency and subsequently prime ministership.

As a result of politics being driven by money in this manner, a mindset that everything depended on money pervaded society, and a hand-to-mouth existence devoid of hope or ideals became rampant.
Compared to prewar times, the number of crimes had risen more than tenfold, and particularly, juvenile delinquency had become a source of worry for parents with children of that age.
The government spoke of things like moral education and revisions to the Fundamental Law of Education in response to this, but what was needed more was that the very foundation of politics was warped—that had to be rectified.

The government itself disregarded constitutional principles while aggressively pursuing rearmament—even attempting recently to introduce weapons compatible with nuclear warheads—yet demanded citizens obey laws while single-mindedly extracting taxes.
Under such conditions,I believe our people cannot endure perpetual silence.

The fundamental basis for rectifying political conduct was first for the government itself to abide by the Constitution and practice clean governance. The state had to implement policies guaranteeing youths a hopeful life, workers employment opportunities, and the elderly stable livelihoods. Should the Japan Socialist Party assume power, we pledged to execute these policies. I would conclude my speech here, but after the general election, Japan's most pressing issues would be first restoring diplomatic relations with China and second defending the Constitution. Realizing this would prove impossible under the Ikeda Cabinet. Only through a constitution-protecting, democratic, and neutral government—formed by uniting politicians of sound judgment around the Socialist Party—could this be achieved.

I earnestly hope for your active support.

―End―